Six major hypotheses have been advanced to account for ground slate industries containing knives, lance heads, and projectile points, found on opposite sides of the North American continent. Certain of these hypotheses assume genetic connections; others postulate separate sources and developments for such artifacts in the Northeast and North Pacific areas.

A recent study of the cultures involved, chiefly Borden's (1962) Vancouver data, has indicated that: (1) ground slate artifacts made their initial appearance in both areas at about the same time; (2) the respective typologies are quite dissimilar; and (3) possible bone and/or chipped stone prototypes for certain of the specific ground slate forms exist in each area.

These data suggest independent origins and developmental histories.

In the July 1978 issue of American Antiquity, David Thomas examined the differences between the points of actual arrows and darts, and concluded that in many cases individual artifacts can be correctly identified as belonging to one or the other category on the basis of a certain combination of length, width, thickness, and neck width. His study involved a search for correlations between measurements of projectile points and measurements of the actual shafts found attached to them. In the end he was able to present a method that selects the correct propulsion mode 86 out of 100 times.

In his analysis Thomas correctly points out how very little projectile points can tell us about the total arrow or dart, adding that certain investigators, myself included, should realize this. He suggests that we may be trying to reconstruct entire weapons from arrowheads; but to that charge I must plead not guilty for I confess that in my study I was perpetrating an even greater heresy than might have been dreamed of in Thomas’ philosophy.

This is a response to Santley's criticisms of my suggestions concerning Monte Albán, the ancient Zapotec capital. It consists of first questioning his cultural ecological theoretical base, then showing that his interpretation of the nature of Monte Albán and its hinterland is faulty.

In the US Midwest, the working of marine shell procured through vast trade networks has typically been associated with elite prestige economies and craft specialization at major Mississippian centers. Outside of these contexts, marine shell goods are often assumed to have been brought into communities as completed goods. A recent finding suggests that local, small-scale marine shell working occurred at an early seventeenth-century village in northern Illinois, Middle Grant Creek (11Wi2739). This finding represents the first probable evidence of marine shell working in the Midwest outside of large, Mississippian contexts. Consequently, this practice may be much more geographically and temporally expansive than previously thought. This evidence encourages a rethinking of marine shell finds whenever they are assumed to be imported as finished goods.

Archaeological reconnaissance during the summer of 1941 at Canyon de Chelly National Monument disclosed the location of two groups of Navaho hogans built in 1758, 1766, and 1770. The significance of these dwellings lies in the fact that they definitely establish Navaho occupation of the area west of the Chuska Mountains in the middle of the eighteenth century. In addition to the early dates and the architectural details, the sites produced a large series of Navaho painted sherds and several glass trade beads.

Canyon de Chelly is located in the approximate center of the Navaho Reservation, on the West side of the Defiance Plateau, in northeastern Arizona. The first group of hogans, the Spider Rock hogans, lay at a distance of 2.7 miles from the Chinle-Defiance road, along the small spur going to the Spider Rock Overlook; the second group was situated further along this by-road at a distance of 3.3 miles from the road.

Marie Cottrell's recent (1985) proposal that prehistoric long distance exchange of jasper occurred between the California coast and inland deserts is most unlikely in light of the presence of abundant secondary siliceous sediment sources (including jasper) along the nearby southern California coast. The obsidian hydration based site chronology at Tomato Springs, founded on non-source provenienced obsidian, is equally problematic. A number of other lesser potential fallacies serve to undermine the assumption of long distance transport of a raw material that was available locally.

C. Clifford Boyd, Jr. and Gerald F. Schroedl find fault with our use of both historical and archaeological evidence in our reconstruction of the paramount chiefdom of Coosa. Herein we answer their criticisms by discussing our overall research strategy and by clarifying our use of historical documents, the Spanish league, and archaeological information. We also point out some of the more obvious errors and misinterpretations in the work of the U.S. De Soto Expedition Commission.

The problem of teaching archaeology to large, lay audiences has received little attention from specialist anthropologists. A very diverse audience with specific attitudes to archaeology takes such courses. Few people are interested in more specialist training, although most beginning courses emphasize this aspect of archaeology. The paper describes some of the basic course content desirable in an introductory course and some of the methods that can be used to teach it. It concludes that the specialist training of professional archaeologists and the reward system of the discipline make it difficult for them to face the challenge of teaching beginning students.

Ocmulgee National Monument lies on the left bank of the Ocmulgee River at the eastern edge of the city of Macon, Bibb County Georgia. A general description of the archaeological remains has appeared in a previous publication. The present report will describe the excavation of a ceremonial earth lodge uncovered on the Macon Plateau and will summarize traits found in earth lodges represented in the Macon Plateau focus. As this represents the earliest earth lodge so far reported in the southeast, the distribution and significance of the occurrence of this type of structure will be discussed briefly. No historical identification of the Macon Plateau focus can be made, but some parallels with southeastern ceremonial will be pointed out.

Hieroglyphic and comparative linguistic evidence indicate that a Lowland Maya stela cult had been in existence, with monuments being erected predominantly or exclusively at the end of the 360-day year, in Late Preclassic times. These data corroborate Hammond's (1982) evidence for Late Preclassic stela erection. With his demonstration that the stela cult was associated with public architecture and a sacrificial burial at Cuello, the inference that contemporaneous stelae were erected primarily at year-endings establishes the complete Lowland Maya form of the stela cult well before the end of the Late Preclassic. It indicates that the cult was contemporaneous with Pacific coastal and adjacent highland stela cults, and developed at least partially in independence of the latter.

Analysis of phosphorus content of three “hearth” samples and two control samples does not support the claim that the Texas Street “hearths” are the result of man's activity. In fact, the absence of high phosphorus content of the “hearths” is considered to be strong evidence that the site was not occupied by man.

Gramly (1977) has recently argued that competition over deer hids was the primary variable stimulating conflict and warfare among the Huron during Late Woodland times. This variable, as well as two others dismissed by him, is reviewed here.

Gunnerson's postulated reconstruction of Plateau Shoshonean prehistory, based on linguistic data and geographic correlations of prehistoric and historic groups, is questioned on the basis of archaeological evidence, which indicates that a complete replacement of the prehistoric culture pattern took place in the 1100's in the Virgin River area of Nevada.

A cursory survey of the archaeology of parts of the Endicott mountains was made by the writer during 1950. It served to confirm a belief that the mountain region is and in the past has been hospitable to small groups of people dependent on hunting and fishing. Ten sites near the Anaktuvuk and Killik rivers were examined, and the probable locations of several others were obtained from local Eskimos. Recognizable culture phases encountered include types comparable with the modern and recent-prehistoric Eskimo, and Denbigh Flint complex, as described by Giddings (J. L. Giddings, “Early Flint Horizons on the North Bering Sea Coast,” Journal of the Washington Academy of Sciences, Vol. 39, No. 3, March 15, 1949, pp. 85-90). In addition, a number of flint implements which are not readily identifiable were found in the sand dunes along the Killik River (Fig. 34). No evidence of ground slate or jade was found anywhere, and implements of organic materials were preserved only in the most recent sites.

Petrographic analyses and a determination of manganese in pottery clay by the electron probe have clarified questions raised by the Bennyhoff and Heizer article on the results of analyses by neutron activation of Cuicuilco and Teotihuacan sherds.

Detailed drawings done by Ezra Stiles in 1761 show that Western Niantic domed wigwams were very like modern Kickapoo and other Northeastern North American aboriginal houses. Adena and Hopewell post molds are consistent with the same type of house.

In the following simplified method for classifying projectile-points the use of the term arrowhead is purposely avoided. The term projectile point is used for all specimens commonly referred to as birdpoints, arrowheads, spearheads, and lance points. Relative sizes are necessarily disregarded, although unusually long or short specimens are given proper mention.

Artifacts from 24 chipping stations and a lithic scatter from the Lake Mead National Recreation Area, Nevada were analyzed by refitting conjoinable flakes to original cores. Artifacts represented debitage from the initial reduction of locally-available low-quality chalcedony nodules for the eventual production of flake tools. The refitting analysis allowed the debitage to be divided into four patterns that roughly correlate with variation in the quality of the raw material. All result from the same strategy of reduction aimed at producing as many usable flakes as possible from low-quality material. Such relatively unproductive sites are rarely studied in detail because they require intensive analysis, but were probably an important part of prehistoric resource systems.

The Universal Transverse Mercator Grid is a rectangular grid system now used on all standard military maps. Archaeologists could use this system for site location, which would prove especially beneficial in areas where townships and range grids have not been drawn. The use of the series of numbers in the system would help eliminate duplication in state or regional site files.

The viru valley Project of 1946 was undertaken as an intensive and integrated study focusing the research of a number of anthropologists on the problems of a single, relatively small valley on the north coast of Peru. The ideal of the project was an analysis of the cultural history and prehistory of the Viru Valley from the time of earliest human occupation to the present. The final reports of the participants are now beginning to appear (Ford and Willey, 1949; Ford, 1949; Bennett, 1950) and these document the very substantial success of the project.