Comments offered by Overstreet are based on a misunderstanding of the physiographic setting of the Sand Lake site and selective reading of the data. The Sand Lake ridged fields are situated in a floodplain in the Driftless Area of southwestern Wisconsin, a setting very different from that of upland ridged fields in glaciated eastern Wisconsin. Overstreet attempts to refute interpretations that we have already revised significantly. Current interpretations of the floodplain ridges suggest that, although surface drainage of the fields was probably not their primary function, periodic internal drainage of the soil would have been important.

Liebmann's (2017) essay on the relationship between Jemez Pueblo and the Valles Caldera of northern New Mexico seems to imply that the Jemez Pueblo had an exclusive relationship with the caldera, particularly Redondo Peak, and the major obsidian source Cerro del Medio (CDM). This is curious given that abundant obsidian provenance studies from the region exhibit equal to or nearly equal proportions of Cerro del Medio obsidian that are not considered ancestral to Jemez Pueblo. Liebmann's regional perspective based on landscape theory appears flawed by a lack of regionally specific data.

In a recent paper notable for its lucid presentation of certain of the wider problems confronting the American anthropologist in his attempt to unravel New World prehistory, Dr. A. L. Kroeber has touched, doubtless with justified trepidation, upon the problem of Folsom man in America. That subject has indeed suffered but little illumination in so far as its relation to the rest of the American archaeological record is concerned, and Dr. Kroeber, with sturdy honesty, minces no words in pointing out the hiatus which intervenes between this early horizon and later cultures. It is, he warns, dangerous to produce “speculative bridges that quickly tend to run into fantasy.” He notes that “the earlier date, the longer time span, have an inherent attractiveness to most human minds.” “So long,” he says, “as there is a real possibility that some of the associations of human artifacts with extinct animals may be no more than three thousand years old, it is certainly not wise to build interpretations on the contrary possibility that some of them may be twenty-five thousand years old.”

The exposed surfaces of stone artifacts from the Security Cove site, Alaska, were altered by the mechanical-chemical activity of crustose lichens. This factor should be considered in patination studies carried out in regions where lichens are known to occur. The activity of lichens and the resultant effect on artifact surfaces is discussed and illustrated in two figures.

Eubanks bases her identification of the fossil pollen grain from Alabama as Tripsacum primarily on her calculated spinule density. To make those calculations, she used only our published photograph, and she assumed a grain expansion of 35 percent. She ignores the fact that the spinule density of the fossil pollen grain is actually the same as that of similarly treated Zea mays pollen. While there is always the possibility of a misidentification or of long-distance transport, the most likely interpretation remains that the 3500 B.P. pollen grain is Zea mays and that it represents limited cultivation of ancient corn in southern Alabama.

Mimbres painted pottery from the U.S. Southwest is renowned for its spectacular designs. Literature on style and identity suggests three concepts helpful for understanding its social significance: boundaries, multiple dimensions of variation, and historical context. This article investigates these concepts by synthesizing past studies with new analyses. The distribution of Mimbres pottery is strongly bounded, demonstrated with data from the cyberSW project. Variation in designs is multidimensional: (1) individual artists created distinctive styles; (2) specific designs are distributed homogeneously across the region, a conclusion demonstrated in part with new analyses of the geometric designs; and (3) pan-regionally, the designs’ content, regular structure, and appearance on multiple media suggest they were meaning-charged. Considering these findings in their historical context provides insights into the pottery's social significance and elaboration: population growth in the resource-rich Mimbres region engendered land tenure systems, marked in part by burials that included pottery. The pottery came to convey the message “I belong here” from two perspectives. By adopting the pottery, people, including migrants, signaled their acceptance of established ways of life in the region, and their access to the pottery indicated their acceptance in the social milieu.

Shortly before the last war I prepared for publication a monograph on the tumuli of Pennsylvania. War conditions prevented its immediate publication, and so it was put aside until 1948 when a few additions and changes were made. By this time it had grown to include the detailed descriptions of 63 mounds plus a fearsome array of plates. No editor would touch it.

This year the study will at last appear, published by chapter in various journals. The brief report which follows was an appendix, included for comparative purposes. It deals with five scattered burial components excavated by three students of archaeology: Dr. Lewis M. Haggerty, a dentist of Hackensack, New Jersey; Mr. Harry L. Schoff, former professional archaeologist, now of Honeoye Falls, New York; and Mr. Gerard Fowke, pioneer Smithsonian archaeologist. I am indebted to the former men for the use of their field notes and to the U. S. National Museum for photographs of the Bowman mound material.

During the field season of 1941–42, joint excavations were undertaken in the Huasteca territory by the American Museum of Natural History and the Instituto Nacional de Antropologia e Historia. The American Museum had appointed Dr. Gordon Ekholm to investigate this area as a part of the program sponsored by the Institute of Andean Research. The Instituto Nacional appointed Wilfrido Du Solier to collaborate with Ekholm because of his (Du Solier's) long interest in and knowledge of the area.

It was decided to undertake work in the following sites: Las Flores in Tampico; Tancol, a little to the north of Tampico; Panuco, on the river of the same name; and Buena Vista, Huaxcama, San Luis Potosi, to the northwest of the Huasteca territory. The explorations in Buena Vista and Las Flores were made by both Ekholm and Du Solier, while those of Panuco and Tancol, due to the illness of Du Solier, were made only by Ekholm.

Sandia Cave is located in an escarpment of Pennsylvania limestone in Ellis Canyon, thirty miles northeast of Albuquerque, New Mexico. It presents an interesting problem in regard to the time when man existed in North America contemporaneously with the horse (equus?), the ground sloth (nothrotherium), and other extinct Pleistocene forms. In the United States, discoveries of artifacts with extinct mammals do not show necessarily that man existed in the Pleistocene or ice age, but may indicate that the mammals have survived that period and become extinct in more recent times. The best criteria for dating would be collections made in the glaciated areas and associated with glacial deposits. However, this is not always possible, and other means must be sought. Dating can be done to some degree of accuracy by the interpretation of climatic conditions that existed at the time the deposits were laid down.

This paper presents data for the reconstruction of a culture sequence in the section of western peninsular Florida that has bf en referred to as the Manatee region (Goggin, 1947, p. 118). These data have been drawn from the analyses of a group of archaeological sites excavated under the direction of the Bureau of American Ethnology during the peri od of 1923 to 1936.1 A full presentation of this material is planned for a forthcoming report (Willey, N.D. a). For the present, this preliminary summary is offered as a companion resume to previously published reviews of archaeological chronology in northwest Florida (see Willey and Woodbury, 1942, and Willey, 1945).

Archaeology in the central and northern Great Plains stands today on the threshold of what may be its outstanding opportunity for sustained achievement. The intensive field investigations so auspiciously launched in Nebraska, Kansas, and the Dakotas in the decade before the war, have been at a virtual standstill since 1940; and with the rapid expansion of the nation's armed forces and defense industries, the number of students and laboratory workers available for study of the accumulated data and collections, dwindled nearly or quite to the vanishing point. Here and there, a few individuals found it possible, intermittently and subsidiary to war-connected activities, to carry on limited researches.

In 1974, a sweathouse was discovered in the Postclassic site of Los Cimientos-Chustum, department of El Quiché, Guatemala. It is rectangular, provided with an interior hearth, a drainage canal, and a large water reservoir. It is, thus, quite different from the El Paraiso sweathouse, the only Precolumbian structure of this type known today in the Highlands of Guatemala. The Los Cimientos arrangement is similar, although on a more modest scale, to the Lowlands sweathouses, especially those of Piedras Negras.

Two burial mounds on the east bluff overlooking the left bank of the Sheyenne River, east-central North Dakota, were excavated between June 25 and August 1, 1948, by a field party of the University of North Dakota, working in cooperation with the North Dakota State Historical Society. The archaeological resources of the area of the Baldhill Reservoir had been appraised in 1947 by a party of four, headed by M. F. Kivett, for the Missouri Valley Project of the River Basin Surveys. This survey resulted in the mapping of ten sites, three of them mounds or moundgroups, and the partial excavation of one mound to salvage skeletal material already partly exposed.

Construction of Baldhill Dam, about 9 miles north of Valley City, was already far advanced in 1948, and several occupational sites in the Sheyenne River bottomland were in danger of flooding within a few years (see Fig. 81, a and b).

Salt production has been proffered recently as an alternative explanation to irrigation agriculture for the existence of canals and terraces at the Hierve el Agua site in Oaxaca, Mexico. This argument is based in part on new interpretations of the functions of two types of water-control features. Hewitt et al. (1987) consider the so-called "pocitos" to be natural, and the "registros" to be water tanks or collecting basins. Evidence that contradicts these interpretations is presented here. Pocitos, it is argued, were constructed intentionally in order to facilitate manual irrigation, and registros are drop structures built to regulate the flow of water after the arrival of the Spaniards. Salt making might have been carried out to some extent at the site, but only in late prehistoric and historic times. Hierve el Agua was principally an agricultural site throughout most of its occupation.

With one exception, which has been described as a suspended “kiva bell,” long stone rods have been interpreted throughout the archaeological literature of North America as whetstones or pestles. Two particularly long rods in a collection of prehistoric artifacts from New England raise questions as to the real use of some of these objects. The prevailing interpretations of the two artifacts may be incorrect, or at least incomplete, because the rods lack the kinds of wear that are found on most whetstones or pestles. They also have different acoustical properties from true pestles, which are usually shorter, and are identical in materials, acoustics, and form to probable prehistoric lithophones from the Old World, which can be played on the lap. The identification of the pair of rods as good candidates for being the first known cylindrical, two-toned prehistoric lithophones from New England introduces a new avenue for the study of fossil sounds and rituals in both the region and continent because it is likely that similar artifacts will be examined for characteristic wear, tested acoustically, and recognized as the objects of prestige and ceremony that they may have been in their role as un-suspended musical instruments.

The habitat and technology of Hogup Cave, Utah, is one of the most complete, longest and well analyzed archaeological records in the world. In this paper, data from the Hogup Cave report are analyzed to determine how much cultural change in the subsistence system can be accounted for by environmental change. The model used is causal in concept. Path analysis suggests that approximately 50% of the cultural change at Hogup can be attributed to environmental change.

In the spring of 1783, Oconastota, the Great Warrior and principal chief of the Overhill Cherokees, died and was buried at his beloved town of Chota on the Little Tennessee River in present day Monroe County, Tennessee. In the fall of 1969, the Department of Anthropology of the University of Tennessee, while conducting archaeological investigations at this site, disinterred a burial which exhibits striking correlations with the historic accounts of Oconastota and his inhumation.

Mainly through force of habit and lack of factual data, the general tendency has been to view Southwestern agriculture as arising from a Basketmaker-Puebloan center. Recently G. F. Carter has clearly demonstrated that, in addition to the above, there was a second center of equal importance and antiquity, mainly in the area occupied by the ancient Hohokam and their successors, the Pima-Papago. It is with the latter center that the present paper is concerned.

The following is a brief account of the partial excavation of a cave on the east side of Honey Lake Valley, near Wendel in Lassen County, California. Although the materials recovered are not extensive, these notes seem warranted by the fact that this is the only dry cave archaeology done south of Oregon on this extreme western periphery of the Great Basin. Ninety miles to the east, work has been done in Lovelock Cave and Humboldt Cave. Some 150 miles north of our area the University of Oregon, under the direction of L. S. Cressman, has devoted nearly seven years (1935–42) to excavating the dry caves of south-central Oregon.

Honey Lake is the remnant of the westernmost arm of extinct Lake Lahontan. Its surface is 3,950 feet above sea level at the present time. The lake is bounded on the northeastern corner by Hot Springs Peak, a mountain of Miocene volcanics. Tommy Tucker Cave, circa 200 feet above the valley floor, is a fissure on a fault line near the foot of this peak.

“Structural violence” is a term used to describe inflicted systematic violence on a disenfranchised group by an established order, usually framed as a government or the social majority. The disenfranchised groups are marginalized and not provided with the same access to resources such as healthcare or food, the effects of which can be observed directly in their death. Bioarchaeologists often can detect the visible effects of this violence on skeletal remains, which provide a visual representation to and reinforcement of social prejudices inflicted in life and death. Discussed here is how the same concept of structural violence can be inflicted on the landscape through damage to or obliteration of cemeteries. We propose a definition of “landscape structural violence” exhibited through cemetery erasure as a reinforcement of preexisting social prejudices in death where the governments or the social majority, intentionally or passively, destroy, remove, or obscure a cemetery without consultation with the descendant community. This definition is applied to several examples of New Orleans cemeteries to determine the functionality of the definition and what activity is and what is not structural violence inflicted on the landscape.