From Basketmaker II to Pueblo II (200 BC–AD 1150), turkey husbandry flourished among Ancestral Pueblos inhabiting the northern and southern San Juan areas (300 BC–AD 1250) and the Rio Grande Valley (AD 1250– 1700) due to the ritual-symbolic importance of turkey feathers to rainmaking ideology. As primary caregivers, Ancestral Puebloan women's long-lasting social bond with domesticated turkeys was disrupted by Spanish maize and textile tribute (encomienda) systems and demands on Native labor (repartimiento) of the mid-1600s, a major factor contributing to the Pueblo Revolt of 1680. Despite the Spanish assault on their culture, Native people clandestinely practiced kachina religion by reusing turkey feather ceremonial objects, seeking refuge in ancestral mesa-top villages, and repurposing Spanish ecclesiastical materials as part of a pan-Pueblo resistance and revitalization movement. This study examines a previously overlooked form of Native resistance to Franciscan conversion efforts—“turkey girl” tales that appropriated and repurposed a Spanish religious folktale. Evidence suggests that these tales were authored by Pueblo Revolt–era war captains who attended Franciscan mission schools around the 1630s. To varying degrees, these “turkey girl” tales express nativist resistance to Franciscan conversion efforts, commitment to revitalization ideology, and pan-Pueblo ethnogenesis.

While in the field, running a stabilization survey at Wupatki National Monument, the writer and Phillip Van Cleave, an assistant, encountered a site which illustrates another method utilized by the prehistoric Indians in dealing with the problem of water supply in this arid region.

Semi-micro methods have been devised for the identification of the metallic components comprising the pigments used in mesoamerican mural paintings. These methods are based upon samples of 10-15 mgfor each of the colors to be studied and include the reds, greens, blues, blacks and browns. The analyses are performed on individual samples for each color, thereby eliminating the need for long and tedious analytical procedures which are difficult to apply to the small amounts of material often available.

In the April, 1956, issue of American Antiquity (Vol. 21, No. 4, pp. 420–1) Ronald L. Ives discusses the possible beginnings of the theory of the Asiatic origins of the American Indian. In this connection he cites the recent translation of the Description of the Province of Sonora by Father Ignaz Pfefferkorn, S. J., published originally in German in 1794–95.

The Wold Bison Jump (48JO966) is a communal bison (Bison bison) hunting site in Johnson County, Wyoming. It likely represents a single kill event precipitated by Great Plains foragers between A.D. 1433 and 1643. Operating the jump required that prehistoric hunters drive stampeding bison up a steep slope in order to position them within a V-shaped drive line configured to funnel them toward a cliff. Using iterative models of least cost paths, topographic cross-sections, and visibility analysis, we test which landscape-embedded variables are optimized at the jump site as compared to other potential localities across the study area. We find that this site’s placement is primarily explained by minimizing the distance at which the cliff face is visible and secondarily by minimizing the cost of slope and curvature routes ascending into the drive lines. Our procedure could hypothetically be used to predict optimal jump locations on similar landscapes.

Archaeological activities in the North American Arctic are reviewed in terms of the sequences and cultures which have been identified in three major culture areas: the coastal zone from St. Lawrence Island to eastern Greenland, the central area around Hudson Bay with extensions to northern Greenland and Newfoundland, and southwestern Alaska including the Aleutian Islands. Three broad culture horizons are suggested for organizing the data for the first two of these areas. The earliest horizon which cannot be surely identified as either Pre-Eskimo or Proto-Eskimo is tentatively called the Denbigh Flint horizon. It is characterized by fine chipping, micro-cores, micro-blades, burins, and the absence of pottery. These traits occur in the Denbigh Flint and New Mountain complexes and in other assemblages perhaps as far east as the Sarqaq of Greenland. The second or Paleo-Eskimo horizon which also emphasized fine chipping is found in two forms, one with pottery, such as the Choris, Norton, Near Ipiutak, and related cultures in northwestern Canada, and the other without pottery represented by Ipiutak and Dorset. The latest or Neo-Eskimo horizon is the northern maritime tradition of the Okvik to Inugsuk range of cultures. Other approaches to the interpretation of northern archaeology are summarized.

The following note regarding pottery-making may be of interest to archaeologists who are not already acquainted with it. It is an entry made by John Bradbury when he was at an Arikara village on the Missouri in May, 1810.

“I noticed over their fires much larger vessels of earthen-ware than any I had before seen, and was permitted to examine them. They were sufficiently hardened by the fire to cause them to emit a sonorous tone on being struck, and in all I observed impressions on the outside, seemingly made by wicker work. This led me to enquire of them by signs how they were made? when a squaw brought a basket, and took some clay, which she began to spread very evenly within it, shewing me at the same time that they were made in that way. From the shape of these vessels, they must be under the necessity of burning the basket to disengage them, as they are wider at the bottom than at the top.

A remarkable resemblance exists between a pottery figurine from Tennessee, representing an infant strapped to a cradle board, and two figurines from Mexico.

Figure 74 is taken from Thruston's “Antiquities of Tennessee.” He says of it:

In his recently published paper on “The Archaeology of Central California I: The Early Horizon” Robert F. Heizer writes “it is possible to anticipate at least in the later Southwestern horizons, for which we have dendrochronologic dates, a direct cross-chronology between the Southwest and California in terms of actual year dates.“

Fourteen Californian shell types from Anasazi sites, ranging from Basketmaker II to Pueblo IV, have been listed. Nine of these fourteen types come from Basketmaker III sites, one also from Basketmaker II, indicating that they were already being made in California contemporaneously and probably considerably earlier. These Basketmaker examples thus establish a minimum dating for the types in California.

This article highlights the utility of vibracore technology to sample deep shell midden deposits on the Central Pacific Coast of British Columbia, Canada. Analysis of six core samples and 21 radiocarbon dates revealed that the archaeological deposits extended to a depth of 544 cm below surface and that occupation began approximately 6,000 years ago, continuing into the sixteenth century AD. Zooarchaeological identification of fine screened (2 mm) sediments shows that fish constitute 99.8% of identified vertebrate fauna, with a focus on herring (Clupea pallasii), salmon (Oncorhynchus sp.), rockfish (Sebastes sp.), and greenling (Hexagrammos sp.), followed by a variety of other fish taxa utilized throughout the occupation of this site. Despite a much smaller examined volume relative to conventional excavation, vibracoring was effective in recovering deep, stratigraphically intact, and adequate samples of zooarchaeological fisheries data as well as a considerable number of stone, bone, and shell artifacts (an estimated 550 artifacts per cubic meter of cultural sediments). These results show a persistent and sustainable ancient fishery through six millennia until the contact period. The field and laboratory methods described are especially conducive to sampling large and deep shell midden deposits repetitively.

Recent geophysical remote sensing, including ground-penetrating radar and magnetometry, has been used to investigate three areas within Chaco Canyon, New Mexico, predicted to contain prehispanic agricultural fields. These localities include a well-known but enigmatic area of large grid patterns near the Chetro Ketl great house, which are visible from the air but not at ground level. The gridded area has been interpreted by many researchers as an agricultural field system, and this perspective has in turn been utilized to model agricultural land use throughout the canyon, particularly intensification associated with emergent social complexity. The geophysical surveys revealed evidence of buried features at all three study areas, but the patterns expressed by these features do not clearly conform to the pattern predicted in the gridded agricultural field model. We argue that the surficial grid pattern seen at the Chetro Ketl field is an unusual example of land modification in the canyon and thus unlikely to represent typical Chacoan agricultural field systems. Instead, canyon residents employed a diverse range of agricultural techniques suited to the variable and patchy nature of canyon hydrology and soils.