Sheffer's contention that I have skewed data to suit my purposes is denied. I suggest that it is, rather, he who misuses my data.

Two functions of contemporary bird-form pottery from Oaxaca, Mexico are described. It is suggested that comparable functions may have existed elsewhere for similar vessels, whose effigy forms are simply elaborations of utilitarian shapes.

Kirk Bryan and A. P. Butler, Jr., reported finding, in 1938, artifacts of glassy andesite on the northwestern part of the Taos Plateau in New Mexico. They concluded: “non-Pueblo peoples having Great Plains affinities appear to have used the material.” Knowing that we were to be in New Mexico, Bryan suggested that we investigate a small cave at Tres Piedras where, in 1940, he had found flakes of the andesite in association with coal. The week of July 7, 1941, was spent at the site.

Tres Piedras is located in the extreme north central part of New Mexico, about twenty-five miles south of the Colorado state line. The site is about two miles south of the town on land owned by Mr. Claire Hawkins, who very kindly gave us permission to excavate.

It is suggested that the portrayal of a Maya ruler as lame represents a transformation to the god Tezcatlipoca, sometimes known as "one leg." God K of the manikin scepter is a continued reference to this transformation in Late Classic times.

Despite the remarkable progress manifest in the archaeology of the Southeast, there remains an appreciable gap in our historical perspective between ethnological horizons and late period archaeological material. Pottery is one highly important time-indicator that persisted into historic times, yet for one of the major Southeastern tribes— the Creeks—pottery in ethnological museum collections is rare. For this reason, the authors here describe the single Creek pot in the Southeastern ethnological collection of the Chicago Natural History Museum. To our knowledge, this piece of pottery has not been described in print before.

The specimen shown in Figures 82 and 83 was received by the museum from the Department of Ethnology, World's Columbian Exposition in 1893. I t forms part of a small accession of ethnological material collected among the Creeks in 1892 by George T. Shurtleff in, or in the immediate vicinity of, Muskogee, Creek Nation, Indian Territory. Although the documentation is scanty, the writers believe that the pot is of bona fide Creek manufacture.

I explain my "failure" to familiarize myself with Carneiro's more recent attempts to arrive at "laws" of cultural evolution, and go on to critically evaluate his 1968 paper. I attempt to demonstrate that Carneiro's "law" is not applicable to cultural development in general, and that it is neither quantitative in application nor a law.

The Hofmann site is in the Ballardvale section of Andover, Massachusetts. It covers the top of a small kame extending, between a small brook and a swamp, from higher land to the northeast (Fig. 12). This brook empties into a larger stream connecting Foster's Pond and the Shawsheen River. A large swamp, between Foster's and Martin's Ponds, connects these tributaries of the Shawsheen and Ipswich Rivers, forming an inland all-water route from the Merrimack River to the clam-bearing coastal flats of Ipswich and Essex. The Saugus or Mystic Rivers may be reached by a short portage, bringing Boston Bay into the system. The Hofmann site is well located to take advantage of such a route, and the association of artifacts found there seems most easily explained on the basis of trade or the seasonal migration of a few families.

The Old Fort (23SA104), an earthwork enclosure and mound complex on a high ridge near the Missouri River in central Missouri, has long been considered a Middle Woodland or Hopewell construction. Excavations in 1970 cross-trenched prehistoric ditches and embankments on the north end of the enclosure. A well-developed soil profile containing predominantly Middle Woodland pottery was exposed, into which aboriginal ditches had been cut. Oneota pottery lay on the floors of these ditches, embedded in a thin laminated horizon of alluvium. Oneota and Middle Woodland pottery are mixed in ditch fills. Field data, although limited, thus support the identification of the enclosure as Oneota, aboriginally constructed on a Middle Woodland habitation site.

In Dr. Philip Phillips' recent paper, “Middle American Influences on the Archaeology of the Southeastern United States,” there appears the following statement concerning the architecture of late cultures associated with the Mississippi pattern:

Shafts of human femurs from burials on Washington Island, Wisconsin dated ca. A.D. 200 were in good enough condition to allow decalcification, microscopic sectioning and routine staining. Many histological features of the bone are retained. Such procedures are less laborious than grinding undecalcified sections, allow three-dimensional observation of serial sections, and offer possible uses in age determinations of skeletons and paleopathology. The specimens give initial evidence that prompt burial prevents the formation of weathering cracks in bone.

From 1565 to 1570, Spain established no fewer than three networks of presidios (fortified military settlements) across portions of its frontier territories in La Florida and New Spain. Juan Pardo's network of six forts, extending from the Atlantic coast over the Appalachian Mountains, was the least successful of these presidio systems, lasting only from late 1566 to early 1568. The failure of Pardo's defensive network has long been attributed to poor planning and an insufficient investment of resources. Yet recent archaeological discoveries at the Berry site in western North Carolina—the location of both the Native American town of Joara and Pardo's first garrison, Fort San Juan—warrants a reappraisal of this interpretation. While previous archaeological research at Berry concentrated on the domestic compound where Pardo's soldiers resided, the location of the fort itself remained unknown. In 2013, the remains of Fort San Juan were finally identified south of the compound, the first of Pardo's interior forts to be discovered by archaeologists. Data from excavations and geophysical surveys suggest that it was a substantial defensive construction. We attribute the failure of Pardo's network to the social geography of the Native South rather than to an insufficient investment of resources.

Occasionally it is desirable to remove archaeological material, such as burials, so that the relationship of the elements, one to another, will be maintained. For about 50 years paleontologists have been employing a technic of enclosing specimens in plaster jackets which, under some circumstances, should prove useful to archaeologists. This method has been fully described in a few publications but, in general, it has been passed along from one academic generation to the next by demonstration and instruction, and new modifications have been presented informally.

It is hoped that the present discussion will prove a satisfactory description of the technic and useful in most of the situations which archaeologists will encounter. Since most of the objects which the archaeologists will want to take out by the technic of casting will occur in unconsolidated material, the procedure discussed here is one most applicable to that type of matrix.

Materials. There are a number of materials, not normally carried by archaeologists, which are necessary for this method.

A consideration of the Siberian data by anyone acquainted, albeit summarily, with the major themes of North American prehistory, cannot fail to lead to the formulation of a number of specific problems relating to prehistoric contacts between the Old World and the New and their effect on culture development on both continents. The limitations of available data, time, space, and competence alike set limits to the degree to which they may be fruitfully explored here. Yet it seems worthwhile at least to list the more obvious ones and to comment on them briefly, thereby suggesting directions for future investigation.

Snow's thesis that shellfish were not eaten by archaic peoples of North America until A.D. 1 is questioned.