Advanced maritime technology associated with long-distance exchange and intensified resource acquisition has been linked to the development of stratification and greater sociopolitical complexity in the Pacific Rim region. One such example is the emergence of hereditary chiefs among the Chumash Indians of southern California. Plank boats owned by an elite group of wealthy individuals and chiefs were an integral part of an elaborate economic system that was based on maritime exchange. An artifact assemblage associated with the construction, maintenance, and use of this watercraft was identified and analyzed. It included wooden planks, asphaltum plugs, asphaltum caulking, and chipped stone drills. Radiocarbon dates and other relative-dating techniques provide strong evidence that the plank canoe originated at least 1,300 years ago in southern California. This represents the earliest use of this type of watercraft in North America and probably in the New World. The timing of this innovation provides evidence that sociopolitical complexity developed in the region at least 500 years earlier than previously proposed.

Violence and the role of violence have emerged recently as topics important to understanding the prehistory of the northern Southwest. Recent excavations at Castle Rock and Sand Canyon pueblos, two thirteenth-century sites in the Mesa Verde region of southwestern Colorado, bring new data to bear on these subjects. Field contexts and the results of bone and myoglobin analyses indicate that nonlethal and lethal violence occurred in both of these villages and that additional modifications to bodies and bones occurred near the time of death. Around A.D. 1280, at least eight individuals at Sand Canyon Pueblo died violently, and at least 41 individuals died at Castle Rock. During or after the warfare event that ended the occupation of Castle Rock, some bodies were dismembered, bones were broken, crushed, and heat altered; a few bones were reamed, and the end of one bone was polished. Several incidents of violence and probable anthropophagy (the consumption of human flesh) have been documented in the Mesa Verde region for the mid-A.D. 1100s; however, this analysis of violent events in the late A.D. 1200s establishes a critical link between probable anthropophagy and warfare, and links both with the depopulation of the region.

The introduction of maize agriculture into the Southwest and onto the Colorado Plateau was accompanied by irrigation techniques. Twenty-six radiocarbon dates at two sites, K'yana Chabina and K'yawa:na'a Deyatchinanne, in the Zuni area of New Mexico, establish the use of irrigation canals to between 3,000 and 1,000 years ago. Associated features and the presence of nearby habitation sites independently corroborate the chronology of canal building. The geomorphology of the Zuni landscape and the morphology of the irrigation canals are consistent with the artificial construction of the canals. Pollen evidence points to an agricultural landscape and the cultivation of maize.

Even though the general configuration of the Poverty Point site has been known for over forty years, the entire site was mapped for the first time in 1999–2000. In this paper we examine how Poverty Point has been portrayed in the archaeological literature. Tracings of stereoscopic aerial photographs were used to construct previous maps of the site. Features that could not be traced because of tree cover were interpolated. Succeeding representations of the site show different features and emphasize the symmetrical form of the site, including the presence of ridges separated by aisles. The 1999–2000 map demonstrates that earlier images of the site overemphasize earthworm symmetry. Our data suggest that the northern aisle does not exist and may have been introduced into earlier maps in order to complete a hypothesized regular site plan. Images of a site like Poverty Point are powerful representations of a perceived reality. For example, existing maps of Poverty Point have been used to bolster claims that the site represents a "great town," with a large population and some kind of centralized leadership. Despite a considerable history of research at Poverty Point map data alone cannot and probably will never provide sufficient evidence to support or reject such a claim. While mapping alone cannot answer questions about the nature of site organization or social behavior, differences between existing images and the current topographic map underscore the need to view maps and pictures of Poverty Point as a means for generating testable hypotheses, rather than an end unto itself.

Today most archaeologists are unaware of the enormous debt we owe to a small group who instigated a massive federal archaeological program to recover the archaeological evidence that was to be destroyed by a public works program involving hundreds of dams on most of the major rivers in the United States and set to begin immediately after World War II. This small group of archaeologists, organized by Frederick Johnson in May 1945, known as the Committee for the Recovery of Archaeological Remains (CRAR), consisted of Johnson (secretary), John O. Brew, Alfred V Kidder, and William S. Webb (chair). The CRAR acted independently of the federal government, yet it was the driving force behind the organization of the River Basin Surveys. It stimulated adoption of high professional standards and was largely responsible for public and professional support for protecting archaeological resources that is the basis for our modern cultural preservation efforts.

A comparison of the rich ethnohistoric record of prehistoric conflict in Hawai'i with evidence of warfare in other culture areas suggests some basic similarities in cause and effect shared by many complex hegemonic polities. Three types of archaeological remains in Hawai'i indicate that human sacrifice and monumental-scale ritual construction were integral parts of pre-Contact (A.D. 1778) conquest warfare. The Hawaiians, however, invested much less labor in long-term responses to possible threats to civilian security than many cultures, suggesting that wartime expectations were very different even if the scale and intensity of combat was similar. These differences are perceived to be a reflection of distinct historical traditions of wartime ethics in Polynesia, unique rules of conflict adapted to the geographic isolation of the Hawaiian people and the environmental diversity that defines the archipelago.

EDXRF analysis of an obsidian scraper from the Spiro Mounds, Oklahoma, shows that the source material was from Pachuca, Hidalgo, Mexico. Given the distinctive peralkaline character of the obsidian, the source assignment is considered extremely secure. The artifact was recovered from the east tunnel of Craig Mound, Spiro, immediately after the cessation of commercial digging in 1935, and has been in the Smithsonian’s collections since 1937. Despite more than 150 years of speculation regarding supposed contact with and influence from the region, this represents the first documented example of Mesoamerican material from any Mississippian archaeological context in the Precolumbian southeastern United States.

This article reports on the excavation of a “berm”—an earthen mound that surrounds the Bluff Great House in southeastern Utah. Comparisons are made to Chacoan-era (A.D. 850–1150) great house mounds in Chaco Canyon and to other berms and mounds at great houses throughout the Chacoan region. Great house mounds in Chaco Canyon and berms outside Chaco Canyon are assumed to have been ritual architecture, and continuity in the use of mounded earth and trash as a sacred place of deposit is traced through time from the Pueblo 1 period to modern Pueblos. The Bluff berm does not seem to have been constructed as the result of ceremonial gatherings (as has been suggested for the great house mounds in Chaco Canyon), but there is intriguing evidence that it continued to be used into the post-Chacoan era (A.D. 1150–1300), perhaps as a result of a restructuring or revival of Chacoan ideas in the northern San Juan region. Examination of the spatial distribution of berms suggests that they are most common at great houses south and west of Chaco Canyon; the northern San Juan region, where Bluff is located, has far fewer such features, possibly because the revival of Chacoan ideas in this region was short-lived.

Beads made from Gulf of California dwarf olive shells (Olivella dama) have recently been identified from the Spiro site in eastern Oklahoma. This is the first evidence from Spiro of culture contact to the west. The beads, previously identified as Olivella nivea, are important because O. dama originates in the Gulf of California while O. nivea is from the Gulf of Mexico. An overview of Olivella beads from Plains sites reveals a mixture of shell beads originating from the Gulf of Mexico, the Pacific Ocean, and the Gulf of California. The presence of western Olivella beads at Spiro and other Plains sites supports an intensification of trade between Puebloan and Plains peoples during Late Prehistoric times at about A.D. 1400 or slightly earlier, but there is no evidence for strong cultural ties to the west. Olivella beads occur at sites east of the Mississippi River, and these need to be identified to determine coast of origin.

Citation is one of many practices affected by the sociopolitics of archaeology. Examination of citation practices in American Antiquity, the Journal of Field Archaeology, Ancient Mesoamerica, and Southeastern Archaeology yields mixed results with regard to equity issues for women. In American Antiquity, the Journal of Field Archaeology, and Ancient Mesoamerica, men cite women at rates that are statistically similar to the rates at which women cite women. Historical data show that this has not always been the case for American Antiquity. In Southeastern Archaeology, men cite women significantly less than women cite women. Despite statistical parity between the sexes in three of the four journals, both men and women in American Antiquity and Ancient Mesoamerica cite women less than expected given the rate at which women publish. Such under-referencing of women might imply a devaluation of women's archaeological labor. This paper also examines other factors besides the gender of the citing author that might affect the rate of citation to women.

This paper (1) presents four new AMS dates taken directly on prehistoric maize found in New England; (2) collects in one place and in a common format the 16 currently available dates directly on maize from the region; (3) shows, by comparing dates on charcoal or shell associated with 10 of these maize samples, that charcoal and shell are not reliable proxies for dating maize; and (4) draws several archaeological inferences from the dataset. First, a cluster of dates between about cal A.D. 1250 and 1450 that are temporally concentrated but spatially widespread suggests a relatively sudden increase in the archaeological visibility of maize in New England at this time. The increase in visibility roughly coincides with an increase in maize consumption in the midcontinent, although further studies are needed to clarify the timing of the latter. Second and even more striking is the simultaneous increase in the archaeological visibility of beans as well as maize in New England during the same period. Finally, preliminary evidence suggests that these increases may be related to the use of soils fertilized by alluvial limestone or old shell midden material.

Archaeologists have long sought to understand the relationships between the quantity and diversity of material that accumulates at a site and the variables of community size and occupation duration. This paper examines these relationships through an analysis of mobility and settlement population in the late precontact and early colonial Chesapeake region of the eastern U.S. Drawing on previous accumulations research and two “strong” archaeological cases that provide critical values, the study develops measures of relative sedentariness and ceramic-discard behavior that can be used to model behavior at sites without stratified deposits or well-preserved architecture. Application of this model to the James River Valley of Virginia produces more reliable dates for the inception of village communities, several centuries following the adoption of maize-based horticulture in the region. The analysis also suggests that the fundamental nature of residential settlement changed dramatically in the study area after A.D. 1200 with the emergence of a settlement hierarchy including relatively large communities with lengthy occupation durations. The creation of a new cultural landscape containing substantial villages, combined with related changes in household and community organization, is central to the origins and development of the Powhatan paramountcy, one of North America's archetypal complex chiefdoms.

Previous research has identified specialized production of prestige goods during the Medio period (A.D. 1200-1450) in the Casas Grandes region of northwestern Mexico and the American Southwest. We evaluate the organization of production of two functionally equivalent types of trough metates from Paquimé, Chihuahua, Mexico, using the standardization hypothesis, i.e., the premise that products produced by specialists have less variation than those manufactured by less-specialized producers. We find that the morphology of one of the metate types (Type 1A metates) is statistically more standardized than the other (Type 1B metates). We then compare the Paquimé metates to those manufactured by generalized producers from the Mimbres Valley region of New Mexico. We find that Mimbres through-trough metates and the Type 1B metates from Paquimé have a similar degree of morphological variation, but that the Type 1A Paquimé metates are morphologically more standardized, indicating that specialists produced them. We conclude that specialized production in the Casas Grandes region was not limited to prestige goods but was instead a fundamental organizing principle of the Medio period economic system, reflecting the presence of a well-established social hierarchy and exchange system.

Weak impacts, such as those caused by bumping vessels together or knocking vessels over, are a major cause of ceramic vessel breakage. The ball-on-three ball test for resistance to biaxial flexure is intended to test resistance to weak impacts. Ceramic types with greater resistance to biaxial flexure should therefore have longer use lives than those having less resistance. Data on ceramic strength are also important for understanding technological change and the demand for exchanged vessels. This paper refines the original methodology for use of the ball-on-three-ball test (Neupert 1994) and explores the strength of Hohokam plainware and Red-on-buff ceramics from south-central Arizona. Gila Plain sherds exhibit the most resistance to biaxial flexure of the three types tested. Casa Grande Red-on-buff sherds appear to be stronger than earlier Sacaton Red-on-buff sherds. Whole and reconstructed Casa Grande Red-on-buff mortuary vessels are also significantly less fragmented than Sacaton Red-on-buff mortuary vessels from the sites of Snaketown (AZ U:13:1) and AZ U:13:21, suggesting that Casa Grande Red-on-buff vessels have greater resistance to weak impacts.

Fifty-five pieces of lava with impressions of prehistoric corn have recently been recovered from NA 860, a small habitation site near Sunset Crater Volcano in northern Arizona. Archaeological, geological, and botanical information suggest that husked ears of corn were deliberately placed in the lava's path when the volcano erupted in the mid-to-late eleventh century A.D. Over 40 kg of basalt lava containing the hardened corn casts were then taken to NA 860 located 4 km away from the lava flow. At the site, the rocks underwent lithic reduction to expose the casts. We suggest that these "corn rocks" are indicative of ritual practices, perhaps serving as an offering made to appease the forces responsible for the eruption. Although both prehistoric and modern offerings are commonly associated with volcanoes in other parts of the world, this is the first evidence from the Southwest United States of possible ritual behavior related to volcanism.

Recent research presented in American Antiquity (66:36-46) proposed that the prehistoric Puebloan communities of Chaco Canyon in the American Southwest conformed to a matrilocal pattern of postmarital residence. The inference of matrilocality at Chaco Canyon was based on the assumption that a number of the most likely modern descendants of the Chacoans are matrilocal, including the present-day Zuni and Hopi Indians, and that the household floor area had increased to a level indicative of female-based residence. The present study assesses these two important assumptions using biological and architectural data. Our results indicate the assumptions needed to infer matrilocal residence at Chaco Canyon might not be satisfied. The biological evidence indicates close relationships with both matrilocal and bilocal present-day populations, while the architectural evidence is more consistent with a male-based pattern of postmarital residence. Limitations to the study of postmarital residence at archaeological sites are discussed.

Schillaci and Stojanowski employ an improper coding procedure in their reanalysis of Peregrine's (2001) finding that Chacoan societies practiced matrilocal residence, making their conclusions erroneous. Their finding that at least some apparent Chacoan descendants practice bilocal residence does not force a reassessment of matrilocality in the Chacoan world and, in fact, has been explained as the product of postcontact change.

North American archaeologists often designate spurs on scrapers as gravers or use them as temporal markers for the Paleoindian Period. The functional and stylistic aspects of spurred scrapers are explored here through an ethnoarchaeological study of stone scraper procurement, production, use, and discard among the Gamo of southern Ethiopia. This research demonstrates that the presence of so-called “graver” spurs does not have a functional significance, but is the result of inexperience and/or the waning strength of the hideworker. Furthermore, spurred scrapers occur in abundance at villages where breakage rates also are high, reflecting the presence of a number of inexperienced hideworkers. Lastly, this paper explores the relationship between the experience of the knapper and tool standardization. The analysis suggests that in lineage-based learning systems more-experienced hideworkers assist less-experienced hideworkers, and thus blur any relationship between experience and standardization.

For decades archaeologists have struggled with the problem of accurately determining organic and mineral-based paints in pottery from the American Southwest. Using Laser Ablation-Inductively Coupled Plasma-Mass Spectrometry (LA-ICP-MS), we have developed a simple and cost-effective method that permits classification of painted surfaces into mineral and organic-based categories. By applying this method to Mesa Verde and Mancos Black-on-white pottery from the Mesa Verde Region, we were able to distinguish easily between mineral and organic-based paints. Preliminary data also suggest that multiple sub-groups of mineral-based paints exist within these ceramic types, indicating that multiple recipes for manufacturing paint may have been employed by prehistoric potters from this region.