Lacking in the standard histories of the California missions as well as in several excellent biographical sketches, are long-sought, important vital statistics with regard to two among California’s greatest missionaries, Fray Francisco Palóu, O.F.M., and Fray Fermín Francisco Lasuén, O.F.M., respectively California’s first historian and the California missions’ second regularly appointed presidente. Why the chronological niche of the two missionaries in the facade of California history has stood unfinished is due to peculiar circumstances of recording and the hideout that certain necessary documents have maintained. Other missionaries, less prominent, are often much better outlined in Franciscan chronology.

With regard to Palóu, our interest centers on the exact day and year of his death. Even that of his birth was made known only in 1924 through the combined efforts of the Rev. LeRoy Callahan of the diocesan clergy of Los Angeles, and the Rev. Zephyrin Engelhardt, O.F.M., of Mission Santa Barbara. Father Callahan was in Mallorca doing research work on the early life of Junípero Serra while Father Engelhardt was composing his San Francisco Mission.

The Mexican nation has been incessantly plagued with revolutionary plans since the “grito of demoralization” by Guerrero in 1829. The word “plagued” is used advisedly, for very few of the revolutionary plans were more than expressions of personalismo, the bane of Latin-American politics. The immense majority of these so-called “programs” have had very little in the way of social and economic reforms embodied in them, either by word or implication; for the most part they have been political rather than socio-economic in character.

Early in the twentieth century, however, a small group developed one of the few socio-economic programs to be found in Mexican history. On July 1, 1906, while the Diaz government was still firmly entrenched, Ricardo Flores Magón and his little group of followers, almost unnoticed by the majority of the Mexicans, published a program of reform which at the time was one of the most sweeping ever outlined in Mexico. Announced as the philosophy of the Mexican Liberal Party, in it were all the elements of a vast socio-economic plan for the Mexican nation, with only a small part of the program dealing with political change. The Liberals well realized that curing only the political sore would not heal the sick nation.

The Conquest of Mexico was under way when Magellan’s fleet left San Lucar, September 1519, in quest of a western route to the coveted Spice Islands. On May 22, 1607, the two smaller ships of Quirós’ armada put in at Cavite in the Philippines, bringing to a close the last of the great Spanish exploration voyages in the Pacific. By that time the English and the Dutch had entered the ocean. The Sea of the South of which Balboa had taken possession in the name of his sovereigns was not to be an exclusive preserve of Spain any more. Spain was on the defensive in the New World. The great era of Spanish discovery in the Pacific Ocean was not to outlast the climax of Spanish power in the Americas. Quirós never lost his faith in the mission of Spain in the Pacific, but his entreaties, and those of the friars who were ready to accompany him for the spiritual conquest of the Pacific insular world, met with deaf ears. The Spanish authorities were under the impression that Spain had already seized more than she could grasp. In the Pacific the Spaniards were now satisfied with keeping up the Manila Galleon trade, the life line of the Philippines. The task of exploration was taken up by Spain’s competitors the Dutch, the English and the French.

An Excellent example of the deceptiveness of designations which, like “Latin America,” group under a single name diverse and even mutually hostile regions as though they constituted a unit, is the title of this article. An evidence of the false impression created by the phrase “Central America” is the question not infrequently asked: “Why do not the Central American republics form a federation?” They are close to one another and are so much alike that they ought naturally to combine into a union, as the thirteen British colonies of North America combined.” To ask that question is to betray that one has been misled by name. Though the republics of Central America are close to one another on the map they are not “much alike.” Quite to the reverse. They differ in climate, in soil, in racial composition, in tradition. They are so far from being much alike that every time they have formed a union (and they have tried more than once) the effort has ultimately failed and has usually been followed by wars among themselves which though on a scale comparatively small have been marked by extreme bitterness and ferocity. And though the dream of federation continues to float before the imaginations of some Central Americans there is no indication that the immediate future will behold it transmuted into a reality.

The study of agriculture, as it was practiced by the early California Padres, should begin in the rough, mountainous region of the Sierra Gorda of Mexico. There, in 1744, Franciscan missionaries began the work of evangelizing the Indians of the central belt of that region. Fathers of the Dominican Order had already established missions along one side of this range, while others of the Augustinian Order were laboring among the Indians of the other side, leaving the middle strip untouched.

The Reverend Father Fr. Pedro Pérez de Mezquía, Superior of the recently founded College of San Fernando in the City of Mexico, had accompanied the Franciscan Padres to aid them in the founding of five missions. From his experience in the missions in Texas whither he had gone with Fr. Margil, Fr. Mezquía had formulated a set of rules and regulations for both the spiritual direction and the temporal government of the Indians of the region. Unfortunately the climate of the Sierra Gorda did not agree with most of those first Padres. Some became ill and were obliged to retire to the College, others died, making frequent changes of missionaries necessary. Few stayed long enough to acquire a knowledge of the language of the Pame people, consequently little progress was made in the conversion of those Indians.

Essential to the study of the Mesta in New Spain is the publication of the text of its constitution, not too available in Spanish, in English dress. This document throws new light on the relation of government to the pastoral industry, up to the present a sadly neglected aspect of Spanish colonial history. The importance of the problem is evident in view of the wealth and extent of the sheep and cattle business, and its relationship to the whole economy of New World colonization. Any adequate study of the grazing industry in New Spain would be impossible without some knowledge of the Mesta constitution of 1537, the basic instrument which regulated this industry until 1574; in the latter year the constitution was changed by the addition of numerous amendments which indicate considerable growth in the pastoral industry. Unfortunately, the minutes of the semiannual meetings of the Mesta have not been uncovered, if indeed they exist at all. Such documents would provide a picture of the grazing industry in operation and would be useful in a more complete investigation of the subject.

In the Rich Collection of the New York Public Library there is a manuscript, Apuntes ligeros sobre los Estados Unidos de la América Septentrional, in which a Spanish diplomat and author, Valentín de Foronda, gives his impressions about the United States of America.

We cannot say with certainty what the history of this manuscript is, but from the few scattered facts which we have we can come to certain conclusions. At the time when it was written, in 1804, there must have been more than one copy. The perfection of the manuscript and the fact that ft is not in Foronda’s handwriting, tends to indicate that it was recopied several times. It is probable that there were at least three sets of copies. The original he must have kept for himself. One, in all likelihood was given to his immediate superior, who at that time was Casa Irujo. A third set might have been sent to the Spanish Minister of State. It is my belief that the manuscript that has come down to us is the one he gave to the Ambassador Casa Irujo. The reason on which I base this, is that twenty years later, long after Foronda and Casa Irujo had died, Mrs. Casa Irujo became a personal friend of Obadiah Rich, the bibliographer, and used to be a frequent guest at his house in Madrid. Rich obtained the manuscript about this time and it is very probable that he got it from her. Where the other hypothetical copies are would be difficult to say. The set sent to the Spanish Minister of State must be buried in some Spanish archive. The other one which he kept for himself was more than likely confiscated by the Spanish authorities, along with his other papers, and was probably destroyed during Foronda’s trial of 1814.