Suite à la loi 101, la Politique québécoise du développement culturel a visé à faire en sorte que la culture québécoise soit commune à tous et puisse s’enrichir d’apports en provenance des minorités culturelles. Puis, divers écrits ont contribué à faire évoluer le concept de convergence culturelle, à le critiquer ou à répondre à ceux qui le critiquent. À la lumière de cette politique et de ces écrits, on peut associer ce concept à sept principes : lien consubstantiel entre la langue française et la culture québécoise, impératif de la préservation du statut majoritaire de la culture québécoise et de la langue française, refus de l’assimilation des minorités culturelles, intégration, appropriation identitaire, mixité, et rôle vital des œuvres et productions artistiques. Reprenant ces principes et respectant certains critères de la légistique (clarté, cohérence, concision, véracité), le présent article propose le texte d’une loi-cadre sur la convergence culturelle, et la situe théoriquement.

In May 2012, a former research assistant contacted the Montréal police about an interview he had conducted with Luka Magnotta for the SSHRC-funded research project Sex Work and Intimacy: Escorts and their Clients four years previously. That call ultimately resulted in the Parent and Bruckert v R and Magnotta case. Now, a decade later, we are positioned to reflect on the collective lessons learned (and lost) from the case. In this paper, we provide a lay of the Canadian confidentiality landscape before teasing out ten lessons from Parent c R. To do so, we draw on personal archives, survey results from sixty researchers, twelve key informant interviews with qualitative sociolegal and criminology researchers, and documentary analysis of university research policies. The lessons, which range from the clichéd, to the practical, to the frustrating, have implications for the individual work of Canadian researchers and for the collective work of academic institutions.

This article examines the phenomenon of interface governance. It uses two interface technologies—Universal Credit’s digital account (United Kingdom) and ArriveCAN (Canada)—to explore how interfaces and their predictable glitches govern relations between state officials and members of the public. Drawing on tools of government literature, it argues that interfaces do not achieve their stated goals evenly (improved efficiency, digital literacy). Instead, they generate several unintended effects, including heightened bureaucratic intensity, diffused responsibility, and even eroded public trust in state agencies. It urges socio-legal and administrative justice scholars to take interfaces seriously and calls on scholars to adopt socio-legal-technical methods to better conceptualize the effects of infrastructure governance and to imagine other possibilities for public administration.

In the spring of 1987, Canada's first ministers agreed to a package of proposals for reforming major elements of the country's constitution. The package, which has come to be known as the Meech Lake Accord, contains a number of significant provisions, one of which deals with the federal spending power and national shared-cost programs. This provision stipulates that the federal government must compensate provinces that decline to participate in future national sharedcost programs, but immediately adds that such compensation is conditional upon the non-participating provinces establishing “a program or initiative that is compatible with the national objectives.”

The provision has led to a great deal of debate and discussion. Of special interest, and concern for some, has been the possible effect of the provision on the capacity of the federal government to use its spending power to set up national shared-cost programs. Some contend that Ottawa's capacity would be severely restricted or even eliminated by the provision. Others claim that it would have little or no impact, that the Accord would simply constitutionalize present practices. These conflicting views on the implications of the Meech Lake Accord for shared-cost programs doubtless flow from many sources, but a major one appears to be differing views on the present ability of Ottawa to establish these types of arrangements.

The decision of the House of Lords in R. v. Brown has been well documented as one which has serious repercussions for the civil liberties of homosexuals within the United Kingdom, its most notorious ramification being that one cannot consent to the infliction of injury upon oneself in the course of homosexual sadomasochistic activities. The case continues to arouse strong passions in the gay press and amongst civil liberties groups, and the recent announcement that the European Court of Human Rights is to hear the appeal of the men involved has confirmed that this particular “hard case” will continue to exercise the minds of legal practitioners, academics and others for some years to come.

In addition to its implications for sadomasochistic activities, Brown indirectly raises a myriad of other issues. One of these is the question of to what extent the courts should intervene in the case of injuries inflicted during the course of sporting activities. Although the Crown Courts (where the most serious criminal cases of England and Wales are heard) have recently shown an increased willingness to intervene in cases where the injuries inflicted are particularly severe, my preliminary research suggests that the prosecuting authorities are reluctant to bring such cases to court, although they almost certainly would do so if an incident which gave rise to similar injuries had occurred in a nonsporting context.

In this paper, I suggest that the concept of incitement as a way of identifying hate speech sometimes locates the harm caused by speech in the wrong sorts of places. Hate speech expressed in the form of “reasoned argument” or academic debate by persons with the relevant authority or expertise potentially causes more harm, though perhaps in less obvious ways. Literature on the concept of authority has demonstrated the way authoritative speakers or speakers with perceived expertise are able to secure uptake for their views. In this paper, I demonstrate how authority and expertise can also be manufactured, enabling speakers to secure uptake in the same sorts of ways as legitimately authoritative or expert speakers. While I am not suggesting legal penalties for speakers who manufacture authority in these ways, I am arguing that we should nevertheless be sensitive to the ways in which this can occur, how it might cause various kinds of harm, and how these harms might be mitigated.

The author presents the main results of a research project concerning inquiries conducted by the Commission des droits de la personne et des droits de la jeunesse du Québec concerning rights violations in youth readaptation centres. She goes on to discuss the efficacy of the inquiry mechanism as guarantor of the rights of youth housed in these facilities. Over the ten year period in question the Commission repeatedly affirmed that the use of solitary confinement as a disciplinary measure violated the fundamental rights of these youth. Nevertheless, an examination of the inquiry files demonstrates that this measure is still employed, despite changes in terminology and overall policy. The analysis also reveals that Commission pronouncements are sometimes contradictory and that their recommendations are often not followed-up on with much diligence.

Le contrôle excessif est considéré par différents organismes communautaires et institutions du Québec comme une des représentations des violences basées sur l’honneur (VBH) au même titre que les mariages forcés, les mutilations génitales féminines (MGF) et les violences physiques ou psychologiques. En 2016, pour la première fois, le législateur québécois a ajouté le contrôle excessif à la liste des mauvais traitements psychologiques explicitement reconnus par la Loi sur la protection de la jeunesse (LPJ). Toutefois, aucune définition juridique, jurisprudentielle, politique ou même doctrinale du contrôle excessif n’accompagne cette reconnaissance juridique. Pourtant, il existe, sur le terrain et dans différentes décisions judiciaires, des situations où l’existence du contrôle excessif est reconnue par divers intervenants du système. L’objectif du présent article est d’appréhender le phénomène du contrôle excessif à partir, d’abord, d’un examen doctrinal et juridique, autant fédéral que provincial, concernant les VBH en général, et ensuite, d’une analyse jurisprudentielle des décisions de la Chambre de la Jeunesse de la Cour du Québec associées particulièrement au contrôle excessif. Le tout permettra de proposer une définition du contrôle excessif dans le contexte des VBH, dans le but de mieux identifier cette violence intrafamiliale spécifique et de mieux intervenir auprès des victimes et de leur famille.

The purpose of this paper is threefold. First, we identify the qualities of good justice in Switzerland, as defined by the various actors who form the tribunal in a broad sense (judges, court managers, lawyers, journalists, politicians). Second, we verify if these qualities are compatible with the values conveyed by the managerial universe (NPM). Finally, we evaluate how they coexist (hybridization, dominance over each other, etc.). To do this, we analysed a series of semi-structured interviews (56) conducted in tribunals of first and second instance in civil, administrative, and criminal courts in the three linguistic regions of the country. The results show that the groups of actors interviewed have relatively similar expectations that do not seem to be incompatible with those of the managerial world. However, when describing good justice, the participants refer more frequently to concepts related to the commercial than the industrial world, contrary to other Swiss public servants but in line with those of Quebec, as uncovered by former studies. The article opens up the path to further research whose objective will be to test those conclusions.

As copyright is asked to perform a greater role in governing creative activity, its focus on economic values above all others raises concerns. Interviews conducted by the author with Canadian independent music labels suggest that the law and the norms governing labels’ operations are more diverse and include direct subsidies, or grants, from government and the private sector. These grants perform many of the functions expected from copyright. This study concludes that copyright law is often exotic, peripheral, and even irrelevant to those involved in the spheres of remunerative Canadian sound production considered here. This finding suggests a renewed focus on a Canadian narrative of copyright law that puts it in its place alongside other instruments regulating independent music production.

This research note on the use of the Canadian and Quebec Charters of Rights in social matters shows that judicial proceedings have limited success. Even reinforced by the Charters, the concept of social cohesion is powerless when faced with legislative changes that have undermined social law. The paper traces broadly some recent modifications to social programs in Quebec and on the Canadian federal level in order to determine their impact on social law. To do so, we focus on the fiscal treatment of such programs.

On July 13, 2013, the Commission for Public Complaints released the Report Following a Public Interest Investigation into the Conduct of RCMP Members in Nova Scotia in Respect to Matters Involving Nicole (Ryan) Doucet. After interviewing all parties involved and reviewing 25 incidences involving Ms. Doucet and Mr. Ryan, the Acting Commissioner, Ian McPhail, concluded the RCMP’s policy regarding violence in relationships “was followed at all times.” According to The Report, the RCMP did not fail to protect Ms. Doucet. These conclusions, however, seem to be at odds with the evidence presented in The Report. After discussing coercive control and reviewing R. v. Ryan, the paper analyses the Commission’s findings to argue that the evidence presented to the Commission clearly illustrates that police ignored Ms. Doucet’s repeated pleas for help. The Commissioner missed a real opportunity to review current RCMP policies on domestic violence to bring them in line with current and on-going research on coercive control.

This essay offers a feminist analysis of the abuse of female lessees and, more specifically, of one solution enacted by the Quebec legislature. Since 2006, article 1974.1 of the C.C.Q. has authorized the unilateral termination of a lease when the safety of a female lessee is threatened. This study questions the effectiveness of this legislative initiative. First, it offers a materialist and radical feminist analysis of the private/public dichotomy that underlies the organization of landlord/tenant law in Civil law. This spatial and legislative division implies a preliminary and implicit characterization of abuse within the home as belonging to the private and individual sphere instead of the social and collective sphere. Within this legal structure, article 1974.1 C.C.Q. takes on a reformist character. Preliminary results of the use of this article before the Régie du logement are then presented. These results highlight four major obstacles to its effectiveness.

A central feature of Canadian history since the mid-twentieth century has been ‘the rights revolution,’ the quest to articulate and give legal protection to human rights and fundamental freedoms. In many ways, as with other Western nations, this struggle has become the country's defining metanarrative, giving identity, normative ideals and purpose to Canadian nationhood and jurisprudence, especially with the entrenchment of the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms in the Canadian Constitution of 1982. It is the intention of this article to study historically the complex role of religion in an early phase of the human rights narrative in Canada. The focus is on the religious dimension of the passage in 1960 by the Progressive Conservative Government of John Diefenbaker of Canada's first national human rights instrument, the Canadian Bill of Rights. It will be argued that the churches played an important but ambiguous role in relation to the human rights movement which, in some ways, presented perceived challenges to their own religiously-grounded metanarratives of Canadian history, identity, and destiny. A central thesis advanced is that the 1960 Canadian Bill of Rights reflected and legislated a pluralism which was religiously-positive in integrating the nation's principal religious and political values under the formula affirmed in the bill's Preamble: “that the Canadian Nation is founded upon principles that acknowledge the supremacy of God, the dignity and worth of the human person and the position of the family in a society of free men and free institutions (…).”