This article challenges the conventional interpretation of the intellectual origins of Canadian federalism. The article argues that the debate over Confederation can be interpreted as a debate over the meaning of sovereignty. It argues centrally that certain of the most prominent supporters of Confederation were more powerfully attracted to the conception of classical federalism and co-ordinate sovereignty than is usually assumed, thus creating a striking parallel to United States federalism that is not typically recognized. It concludes by showing how this understanding of classical federalism was used with great success in opposing the post-Confederation centralism of John A. Macdonald.

Some recent Marxologists (notably Allen Buchanan, Richard Miller and Allen Wood) have denied that the idea of justice can play any significant role within Marxist thought. This article maintains, on the contrary, that the very logic of historical materialism, notably the concept of the historical development of human needs, necessitates a concept of justice even in the higher phase of communism. Furthermore, the “anti-juridical” interpretation of Marx fails to provide an adequate account of the connection between the communist values of self-realization and community. It therefore obscures the concerns addressed by a notion of justice. The early Marx's concept of species-being (Gattungswesen) expresses the relation between self-realization and community in historical terms. Thus it provides an appropriate context for a Marxist theory of justice.

Léon Dion is a pioneer of political science in Quebec and Canada. For over 25 years he has advocated a series of reforms of the Canadian federal system, striking a balance between his commitment to Quebec nationalism and his loyalty to Canada. This article analyzes Léon Dion's use of German thought in his latest book, underlying his effort to thwart the apathy and moroseness descending upon Quebec politics in the post-referendum era. A parallel will be drawn between Dion's book and Fichte's Addresses to the German Nation, delivered in Berlin in the winter of 1807. Both thinkers are characterized by intellectual involvement and concern for national identity in times of crisis. It will be argued that Dion's book contains an important political message for English-speaking Canada.

This article argues that the traditional views of constitutional conventions have failed to illuminate the variety among this important group of constitutional rules. A fresh examination of conventional rules explains how they may vary in precision, acceptance and importance to basic constitutional principles and processes. A hierarchical ordering of five types of constitutional rules is proposed as a replacement for the simple dichotomy between usage and convention that is currently accepted. The implications of such an ordering, which reach beyond mere analytic classification, are then discussed.

The philosophy of Karl Popper has rarely been examined with respect to its fruitfulness and relevance for political theory. While his contributions to the philosophy of science may appear to be of only marginal significance for the fundamental concerns of political theory, his own forays into the field, particularly in The Open Society and Its Enemies, have been polemical in tone and explicitly political in motivation. This article re-examines Popper's critique of the theory of sovereignty and his own approach to political theory by employing a largely neglected element of his critical approach, namely his problem-oriented method.

The rational choice model of politics, which construes important political processes as a series of choices taken by self-interested political actors, has dominated theorizing on the subject of policy instruments in Canada. While useful, this approach is nonetheless limited by its narrow conception of rationality and its inattention to the context of instrument choice. As an alternative, the neo-institutional approach offers a perspective on political choice that takes better account of contextual and organizational factors. In this article, the logic of both approaches is used to explain the policy process in the case of automobile insurance in Ontario. The purpose of this exercise is exploratory, not confirmatory. Both approaches do, in fact, offer plausible explanations for the creation of a rate review board, the retention of fault-liability as the basis of compensation and the apparent rejection of public automobile insurance. However, the study concludes that it is essential that research strategies in the realm of instrument choice incorporate insights from the neo-institutional approach.

The authors examine the political career paths followed by the 3,803 individuals who served in the House of Commons and/or Senate between 1867 and 1984 inclusive. Given Joseph Schlesinger's argument that career patterns significantly affect political integration in federal states, particular attention is paid to the provincial experience of national parliamentarians, and to variations in that experience over time and across regions. The data show that national recruitment from provincial legislatures has declined over time, and is particularly uncommon in Ontario and Quebec. Overall, the structure of political careers in Canada is bifurcated rather than integrated; politicians do not move through the ranks but rather face a choice between provincial or national careers.

Previous research has analyzed the various characteristics associated with the adoption of policies by the Canadian provinces. Since a number of provinces have appeared as regional leaders in the adoption of these policies, there would seem to be an emulation effect among the provinces similar to that found for the adoption of policies by states in the United States. The provinces that demonstrated leadership varied to some extent, depending upon the types of policies in question.