The conflict of values of civilisations and the paradoxes of the history of Chinese modernisation appeared on a small parcel of land 18 years ago. This extensive study of Shekou has brought to light the social, economic, political and cultural stakes which underlie the recent metamorphoses of the country, notably of the Chinese Communist Party, as well as the ambiguities and time-space lags of these metamorphoses. This article looks to reconstruct this historical process in the perspective of Chinese thought.

Dr. D.R. Ambedkar (18911956) was not just a politician of grand stature and from the untouchable caste. He was also a scholar, whose consistent and innovative thinking has hitherto been neglected. Ambedkar's lines of force are presented here, both in relation to his analytical critique of the organic metaphor of the social body as developed in brahmin texts, and of his definition of graduated inequality, a specific Hindu form, for which he developed the psychological as well as the political implications.

This study was conducted through interviews with a sample of researchers from French laboratories. It has brought to light two main themes which are interlinked: (i) all laboratories which reach a certain level of development are laboured by a diversification of their teams which tends to compartmentalise them; (2) this compartmentalisation is offset. The laboratory is thus the level at which one finds and manages the problem of unity posed by the compartmentalisation of teams which are open to the whole scientific field.

The nature of networks depends mainly on two variables: the weight of instrumentation and the degree of unification of problematics or thematics. Weakly integrated networks are found in those disciplines which use technologies which are easily disseminated because of their low cost, as well as those disciplines which have low degrees of theoretical unification. Nuclear physics and astrophysics are examples of the most integrated networks. A division of labour has recently developed in molecular genetics which has become de localised between different laboratory teams. We can describe these networks as paradoxical.

This essay explores the status of moral accounting in relation to contingent misfortune. It does so by comparing the oracular procedures of the Azande of Center Africa to a modern pseudo-psychotherapeutic interaction. Though the first is in principle mystical and the second rational, both forms of inquiry are shown to display a certain indifference to contradiction. The reason for this indifference rests with the consideration that both focus on practical rather than theoretical questions. Nevertheless, in the pseudo-psychotherapcutic interaction the presumption of theory qua theory makes a difference. That presumption comports a principle of epistemological certainty, removing the ground from moral accounting while privileging naturalistic explanation. In this light, contrary to received anthropological opinion, it is the selfcraft of much psychotherapy rather than the witchcraft of the Azande that must count as a closed system.

A logic of exclusion-inclusion nowadays dominates the debate on poverty and social policies, namely through categories such as underclass and social exclusion. Thus, poverty becomes an essentially moral problem, rather than political, and the poor are treated as a group apart. Though different, both concepts work to reinforce the fracture separating the poor, and increasing a process of erosion of citizenship ties—what Madeleine Rébérioux denounces as being today a crisis not only of work, but of political and civic ties as well.

The paper analyzes dual citizenship in two principal manifestations in the worldde facto dual citizenship, as induced by international migrations and de jure dual citizenship, as a byproduct of Soviet imperial collapse. Factors of a social, political, cultural and economic nature that condition approaches towards dual citizenship taken by governments, political elites and grass-root actors are discussed in reference to established democracies (USA, France, Germany) and to newly independent states (the Ukraine).

Many familiar political projects—among them, demands for participation, for citizenship and for free movement and open borders—have been recently subsumed within a larger crusade against ‘social exclusion’. But each of these political projects seems better understood, and better pursued, in its own original terms. Furthermore, inclusionist appeals logically backfire: explicitly they are expansionist, urging the stretching of boundaries of membership so as to include those who were previously excluded; but every inclusion implies an exclusion (there can be no ‘inside’ without an ‘outside’); so indusionist appeals are implicitly consenting to a closed community, albeit one with a rather broader catchment. We ought to be striving instead for different kinds of communities, ones less internally inclusive and less externally exclusive. This amounts to a call for multiple overlapping jurisdictions, with many places where one can seek social support and many places where one might lodge a demand or file an appeal.

A basic task of the state is to ensure the continuation and security of the community within which it is found. In an attempt to achieve this, state elites pursue long-term strategies. Such strategies involve not just questions of external security, but also the structuring of domestic society with an eye to faciliting the extraction and mobilisation of resources. The tsarist state sought to achieve this through a cooptive strategy which left some room for independent economic initiative. The soviet elite sought to encapsulate all actors into a single command stucture, thereby removing all scope for independent activity. Ultimately both strategies failed, and the post-Soviet leaders are faced with the problem of devising a more successful alternative.

The initial optimistic illusions about the future of postcommunist countries have been cut short by not so encouraging developments in these societies. With the growing awareness that the postcommunist transition cannot be understood as a linear passage to a free market and parliamentary democracy, more attention is paid to the social and economic obstacles as well as to the legacy of real socialism. The feelings of increasing uncertainty about the outcome of postcommunist transformation have led some writers to characterise Eastern Europe as being in the stage of liminality (or in an inbetween stage), in which everything may happen yet little can be done (Bauman 1994: 32). Arguing from a Tocquevillian position for the need of both a strong state and a strong civil society and also adopting his insight into the importance of enlightened interest, I shall discuss factors responsible for a lack of government which operates under the rule of law, as well as discussing factors responsible for obstructing the development of civil society and the emergence of enlightened interest in the post-communist societies.

Edward Tylor's animist theory, and his theory of the survival of the soul were the basis for a large anthropological movement which grouped together a number of disciplines involved in the reconstruction of human prehistoric religion, as well as the identification of the savage components of civilised religions. From 1884 onwards, this British movement spread to France through a number of authors who are not very well known today. Their writings are nevertheless useful for their characterisation of religious studies of Tylorian inspiration.

The purpose of this paper is to explain the causes of the contrast between the evolution of the French and British press presse franaise et britannique pendant l'entre-deux-guerres. during the inter-war period. The most visible sign of this difference was the commercial success of the British press and the stagnation of the French press. From a historical perspective, the most general factor was that market mechanism has a much more determining influence on the British rather than on the French press. While these decades were marked in Great Britain by a circulation war, competition was neutralised in France by the anti-competitive agreement reached among the leading Parisian newspapers. Market mechanisms also influenced the development of different patterns of newspaper ownership in the two nations. Stiff competition and a rational mode of newspaper ownership forced British journalists to develop journalistic practices and discursive strategies more commercially oriented than those of their French counterparts. These strategies, which constitute the primary cause of the commercial success of the British press, are illustrated by the phenomenon of depoliticisation.

The study begins with a critical examination of two opposing, theories of nationalism. Next, the relationship between the State and nationalism in the form of the nation state is seen as a process of social formation during which a compromise is established between public and private elites, and the people: loyalty is exchanged for the right to participate in social rights. In the third part, the author considers the future of a number of Southern states in relation to the fundamentals of nation formation.

Studies of class-formation have long been dominated by an espitemology of absensethe study of the absence of Marx's predicted revolutionary class consciousness among the Western working class. Katznelson's and Zolberg's pathbreaking Working-Class Formation: Ninetenth-century Patterns in Western Europe and the United States (1986) posed a major challenge to this tradition. Instead of being seen as deviant or exceptional, moreover, the individual cases of class formation are analysed as variations that can only be explained by each nation's pattern of historicalprimarily politicalformation. An instant classic, Working-Class Formation has not to date been surpassed by subsequent studies. This essay reviews the strenghts and the weaknesses of this classic volume, suggesting in the final analysis that it does not quite realize the full extent of its radical implications.

This paper seeks to locate Adam Ferguson (17231816), a leading light of the Scottish Enlightenment, within a tradition. Ferguson's work seems to straddle two traditions: classical civic humanism, on the one hand, and liberalism on the other. The claims of those scholars who have perceived in Ferguson's work prescient anticipations of nineteenth and twentieth century social thought are of particular relevance here. It is the contention of this paper that although Ferguson's work must be understood as classically and theologically inspired, there are, nevertheless, clear anticipations of modern social science in it. The dimensions of Ferguson's work focussed on are: his historiography, his theories of spontaneous order, habit and conflict, and his anticipatory detection otanomie and alienation effects. Ferguson's unique contribution lays in his ability to give ancient insights a sociological twist thereby bridging the gap between modern and classical traditions.