The Brooklyn Museum houses twelve stone slabs with carved decoration from the Northwest Palace of Ashurnasirpal II. The motif of a stylized tree — the so-called Sacred Tree (see Figs. 1, 4, 6) — appears on seven of those slabs which come from rooms F, I, L, S, T of the ninth century palace at Nimrud. These tree renderings are representative of the sacred tree-type found in ten rooms of the royal residence and the west wing. Approximately 96 sacred trees, in two-register arrangement, appeared on the pictorial decorations in room I; the same motif occurred about 75 times in one-register arrangement on the reliefs of the other rooms. The abundance of the sacred tree motif on the wall decorations of the Northwest Palace attests to the significance of this plant. Its design deserves investigation; in Layard's words, “the tree, evidently a sacred symbol, is elaborately and tastefully formed.”

In his study of the Ashurnasirpal II reliefs in American collections, Stearns did not attempt to list the sacred trees, because “variations in the sacred tree occur only in minor details,” and “the tree in itself is rarely useful in identifying the location of the reliefs.” These statements make clear Stearns' belief that the sacred trees were nearly alike. Other scholars, notably Weidner and Reade, have pointed out that on a number of slabs now in American and European museums are carvings of matching half trees, therefore indicating that when paired, these trees belonged to adjoining slabs originally. In trying to match half trees, one finds that individual sacred trees do differ in the rendering of specific details. Bleibtreu, in her analysis of the sacred tree-type, lists three variants of the flower found on the palmette-garland framing the individual tree on three sides. The present author, after examining the sacred trees carved on the slabs in The Brooklyn Museum, concludes that the design of the tree-type is more varied than heretofore presumed, and that its construction is more complex than indicated in previous descriptions of the subjects. An analysis of the Assyrian sacred tree-type may lead to possible conclusions regarding its intended image: a stylized palm tree, a cult object, an emblem of vegetation or “tree of life”, an imperial symbol, or a combination of those forms. In addition, one may consider to what extent the rendering of individual trees was the consequence of artistic inventiveness.

Die Studie behandelt Fischknochen, die während archäologischer Ausgrabungen durch das “Oriental Institute” der Universität von Chicago und die British School of Archaeology in Iraq auf dem Tell Abu Salabikh/Iraq geborgen wurden. Ein kleiner Tell des Materials stammt aus der Kampagne von 1963, die unter der Leitung von D. Hansen stand. Diese kleine Aufsammlung von insgesamt 51 Fischresten (Tab. 1) erhielt ich durch Vermittlung von R. Englund, Berlin, von R. Biggs, Chicago, zur Begutachtung zugesandt. Sie lagen “among the debris in the rubbish pit where the tablets were found” (Biggs, brieflich; s. auch Biggs 1966). Der weitaus größere Tell des Fundguts kommt aus den von N. Postgate, Cambridge/GB, geleiteten Ausgrabungen von 1975 bis 1983 in der Stadt auf dem Tell von Abu Salabikh, die Zeugnisse aus dem 3. Jahrtausend v. Chr. und zwar aus der Frühdynastischen Periode I bis III ans Tageslicht förderten (Postgate 1976, 1977, 1978, 1980, 1983; Postgate und Moon 1982).

Während der Ausgrabungen wurde im allgemeinen nicht gesiebt. Lediglich “the material from a large ashy deposit (trenches 6G76 and 6G86) was partly dry-sieved and 1/10th of that also flotated” (Postgate, brieflich). Dadurch erklärt sich die größere Fundzahl aus diesen beiden Schnitten im Vergleich zu derjenigen aus den übrigen Fundstellen, hier als Einheit zusammengefaßt: 4J87/88, 5I10/98, 6G36/45–47/63/64/75. Außerdem wurden Fischknochen in Gräbern geborgen: 4J88, 5I31, 6G45/56/64/66/75.

Le bel objet que représente notre planche XL est à Paris dans la collection de M. Maurice Bérard, qui nous a très aimablement permis de le publier ici. Nous lui en exprimons notre vive gratitude. Malgré quelque doute qui affecte l'interprétation de ce petit monument, son intérêt est trop grand pour qu'il convienne d'en différer la publication. Le vendeur — un antiquaire de Beyrouth — donnait, paraît-il, comme lieu de provenance le petit village de Niha dans le Liban, bien connu par ses deux temples. D'autres déclarations parlaient de Kerak Nouh, tout près de Zahlé et peu éloigné de Niha. Ces deux prétentions ne sont pas impossibles, mais on verra que le décor de l'objet appartient en tout cas à des cultes qui n'ont pas de rapport avec les sanctuaires de Niha, voués au grand couple syrien de Hadad et d'Atargatis. Si l'objet vient bien de cette région, il faudra l'attribuer à un culte étranger, non attesté jusqu'ici dans ces montagnes.

Il s'agit d'un couteau d'apparat dont la lame de fer n'a laissé qu'un tronçon corrodé. Mais le manche de bronze, couvert de figures en relief, est parfaitement conservé sous une jolie patine vert-olive. Le sommet de cette poignée représente une tête de taureau à la puissante encolure, marquée de fanons. La garde forme une simple barre transversale, terminée d'un côté par une tête de sanglier, de l'autre par une tête de lion. Quan t au corps de la poignée, il est enlacé dans les plis d'un serpent, dont la tête est appliquée contre la nuque du taureau (pl. XLa).

This article introduces a small group of ivories held in the Sanandaj Museum, which were discovered in 1997 during the seventh season of Nasratolah Motamedi's excavations at Ziwiye, northwest Iran. An investigation of the decorative, figurative, and stylistic characteristics of these pieces reveals a strong Neo-Assyrian influence, with close similarities to the palace reliefs of Ashurnasirpal II at Nimrud, as well as the influence of Assyrianizing Urartian art. These extensive cultural influences on Mannaean art can be seen in terms of political and economic relations with the two regions.

Of the excavations that have taken place in Iraq since the 1930s, many have revealed remains dating to the Early Dynastic period. None of these has been published as fully as the Diyala sites excavated by the Iraq Expedition of the Oriental Institute of Chicago from 1930 to 1938. (Frankfort, 1939, 1943, 1955; Delougaz, 1940, 1952, Delougaz and Lloyd, 1942; Delougaz, Hill and Lloyd, 1967.) It is these sites that still provide the largest collection of well-stratified pottery for this period, and thus material from newly-excavated sites has always been compared to that from the Diyala region.

There are two major disadvantages to this state of affairs. Firstly, it is undesirable that any kind of archaeological material comparison should be limited to just one region or site; and secondly, notwithstanding the importance of the city of Eshnunna (Tell Asmar), the Diyala region was a fringe area, and the style of its pottery should not have to be accepted as the norm for Southern Mesopotamia or anywhere else.

This article discusses the two main royal palaces constructed in Kalḫu during the ninth century: Ashurnasirpal II's Northwest Palace and Shalmaneser III's Military Palace. Through a re-examination of the architecture of both palaces, it will be argued that the two were more alike than has been commonly assumed. The military nature of the Military Palace did not preclude the presence of most types of spaces that were already present in the Northwest Palace. By discussing the differences and similarities between the kinds of spaces, decoration and spatial organisation found in each palace this article tries to offer a new analysis of both, and of the nature of Late Assyrian royal palaces more broadly.

The Royal Cemetery at Ur, with its almost two thousand graves, is one of the most impressive archaeological settings in southern Mesopotamia. Although most of the graves have been assigned to the Early Dynastic Period, more than three hundred graves have been dated to a timeframe from the Late Akkadian Period to the end of the third millennium B.C. However, the precise dating of many of these graves is under debate because stratigraphic data are often lacking, and the material culture used for dating has mainly been cylinder seals and other small finds. Due to the poor quality of the data published by Woolley, pottery has rarely been used to establish chronological determinants that could be useful in dating the graves. Thanks to the Ur Digitization Project, the field records from the Ur excavations are now available online. Among them are the Field Notes, which often contain pottery drawings, reproduced to scale. This paper re-analyses some of the graves in the Royal Cemetery at Ur that have been dated to the final part of the third millennium B.C. This analysis is based on a typological approach to the pottery assemblages that allows revised chronological determinants for dating selected grave contexts.

In the early 1990s the two fragments of black stone making up the Tower of Babylon stele with pictures of the ziggurat in Babylon and the king Nebuchadnezzar II were found in the large open trench from the German excavations of Amran in 1900. The findspot was about 20 m north of the Esagil temple in Babylon, but the level where it was discovered is not Neo-Babylonian but later, possibly Parthian. The archaeological and historical background of the stele is discussed, and the image of the Ziggurat on the stele is considered. After 28 years in the Schøyen Collection Oslo, the stele is now in the Iraq Museum in Baghdad.

During 1970 the Ashmolean Museum acquired at auction in London two Syriac-inscribed bronze censers of a now well-known but insufficiently studied type decorated with New Testament scenes in relief and with incised ornament on their plain surfaces. The following speculations about these objects are offered in admiration to Sir Max Mallowan, and as a reminder of bumpy but delightful journeys to certain ancient monasteries in the Mosul area where such objects will have been used: forsan et haec olim meminisse juvabit.

Several fresh examples of these censers have come to notice in recent years, so that the number known to exist in museums or private collections must now exceed 30 or even 40, while the number still in ecclesiastical possession is presumably very much greater. All of those recently acquired by museums must once have belonged to churches or monasteries of the Near East; and one may suspect that some of these communities have either recently been robbed or, more probably, have been induced to sell or succeeded in selling some of the more battered contents of their sacristies.

Assyrian sculptures have been treated in various ways. Neglected original records about pieces found at Nineveh can still be informative. Pieces that did not go at once to major public museums were sometimes liable to rejuvenation, detached from their original contexts but endowed with new significance as commercial assets, as independent works of art, or as integral parts of contemporary architecture. Two Nimrud sculptures, built into the walls of Newbattle Abbey near Edinburgh, represent a unique fusion of Assyrian and Scots artistry, now vulnerable to financial pressures.

Looking back as one can now do over a long period of time spent at the British Museum, it is clear that a major contribution to the development of the Research Laboratory was made by Leonard Woolley not only on account of the quantity and diversity of the material that he produced for study and treatment year after year, but by the stimulating influence of his presence as a co-worker. Indeed, without this, the annual task which confronted a small and devoted laboratory staff would have been well-nigh impossible.

The first rumour of his return was quickly followed by the arrival of dozens of boxes, petrol tins, containers of any and every sort and a selection of these reached the Laboratory and duly gave forth many hundreds of match boxes, tins and cigarette packets all carefully labelled, all very dusty, but all containing treasures that meant something, at least to the excavator. And so the hospital cleanliness of the Laboratory inevitably suffered a change and rooms took on the aspect of that partially-organised chaos wherein someone can always claim to know where objects have been put. In the midst worked Woolley in the deepest concentration—and he was a whale for work—but always with a ready smile for the right kind of interruption.

Tablets of the Middle Assyrian period are rare in the collections of the British Museum, principally because the German excavations at Aššur, from which most come, were plainly more carefully controlled than many early excavations. Thus it is a pleasure to place this article, which presents three Middle Assyrian tablets, in a volume celebrating Lady Mallowan and Prof. D. J. Wiseman, to both of whom Assyriology is grateful for the edition of many documents from a younger Assyrian capital, Nimrud. The three pieces published here are a fragment of edicts, a document listing personnel, and a collection of omens.

At the foot of, and roughly south-south-east of, the ziggurrat at Nimrud stood the temple of Ninurta, on the floor of room 1 of which, excavated by the British School of Archaeology in Iraq in 1956, were found “a number of fragments, some of them inscribed, of a burnt white limestone statue of Shalmaneser III, in the round.” These fragments, now in the Iraq Museum, were numbered as a group by the excavator ND 5571, and by the Iraq Museum IM 60497. They comprised the right elbow and a small part of adjacent body behind and below (IM 60497A), two subsequently joined inscribed fragments (IM 60497B), a fragment of clasped hands (IM 60497C), and some other fragments including one bearing traces of seven lines of inscription so very slight as to be, for the present writer, beyond consecutive comprehension.

The right elbow of the statue of Shalmaneser III “found in fragments by a ploughman in fields in the outer town near the foot of the south-east corner of the akropolis” is missing; but not only is the thickness (13 cm.) of the forearm at the lower end of the elbow-fragment IM 60497A considerably too small to fit the upper end of the right forearm of the statue found by the ploughman, but it also extends too far above the elbow (that is, it extends upwards beyond the point above the elbow down to which the statue's upper arm is preserved) to allow any possibility of regarding it as having belonged to the ploughman's statue.

The late Peter Hulin devoted much of his scholarly life to the study of the inscriptions of Shalmaneser III, king of Assyria (859–824 BC). He copied and studied a number of texts of this monarch excavated at Nimrud. Among them, the inscriptions on the throne base (ND 11000) were published in 1963. Unfortunately, however, his death in 1993 prevented him from publishing the further fruits of his effort.

After Hulin's death his file of Shalmaneser III texts was placed at the disposal of Professor A. K. Grayson for use in his third volume of the series Royal Inscriptions of Mesopotamia, Assyrian Periods: Assyrian Rulers of the Early First Millennium BC II (858–745 BC), Toronto, 1996 (RIMA 3). Thus Hulin's study of several new texts from Nimrud, as well as some others, was effectively utilized and incorporated in RIMA 3, with full respect being paid to his contribution.

The purpose of this paper is to supplement RIMA 3 by publishing Hulin's hand copies of Shalmaneser texts found among his papers in a publishable state, together with several photographs, and to add some philological notes on them. Among Hulin's copies, those of the lengthy texts on the large stone tablet ND 6237 (below, No. 1) and on the broken statue N D 5500 (below, No. 2) are of primary importance. These texts were originally assigned to Hulin by Professors M. E. L. Mallowan and D. J. Wiseman for publication in the journal Iraq. His copies were entrusted to Dr Jeremy Black of the Oriental Institute, Oxford University, by Mrs Mary Hulin and are gratefully used in this publication by the British School of Archaeology in Iraq.

Despite the fact that Mohenjo-daro is of world-wide interest, and is such a rich field for discussion and speculation, until recently only two books had been written giving an authoritative account of the excavations, and the remains and the culture which they disclosed. These have now been joined by a third, namely, Dr. Mackay's full-length monograph on the excavations from 1927 to 1931.

When one has viewed the excavations, and read the works of Sir John Marshall and Dr. Mackay, and one realizes the immense amount of hard work and scholarship which has been lavished on them, it seems petty and churlish to raise the carping voice of criticism. Mohenjo-daro is not easily reached, and once the traveller has arrived there, without a well-prepared scheme of provisioning it is a difficult place in which to maintain oneself for a period of days while engaged in study. The fact that the available works of authority are so few and the visits of competent observers so rare makes it necessary that some more independent voice should be heard, even though it be a critical one. Without this, the few works would gain an almost Biblical authority and infallibility; this would be most deplorable, as it is almost always the least fortunate observations that secure the most frequent repetition. There is another point also which often escapes attention, and that is the relative proportion of certain objects, styles, and fabrics to the whole, stress being laid on them often in such a way as unintentionally to mislead the student and to give a false impression of quantitative importance.

In order to understand the unique reception of ancient Assyria in nineteenth-century America, it is necessary to describe the British public's own reception of the earliest British Museum exhibits, together with the marketing of publications of Layard and others. And, in order to grasp something of both Britain's and America's keen fascination with the earliest images of Assyria, I must introduce you briefly to the changing perceptions and tastes in admissible historical representation that, I believe, drove this fascination.

The British public's breathless enthusiasm for the monuments from Bible lands had radical origins in English soil. Seventeenth- and eighteenth-century antiquarians surveyed, sketched and wove theories about the prehistoric relics that dot the English landscape, occasionally linking them with a mythical Christian past. William Stukeley, for example, student and first biographer of Sir Isaac Newton, made something of a career out of surveying Avebury and Stonehenge, in an early eighteenth-century quest for evidence that could link the Britons of Celtic fame with the peoples and the received timeline of the Bible. By the early nineteenth century, the Gothic Revival movement had begun in earnest. Its proponents saw this project as a moral mainstay in the revitalization of English society and culture. English prehistoric and medieval monuments would be measured, drawn, catalogued, published, and ultimately by so doing, laid at the feet of the British public. The Napoleonic wars accelerated this movement, for Continental sightseeing was impossible, so the classic Grand Tour evaporated down to an insular walking tour. This of course fuelled the sense of British national destiny: