This article examines how the South African government, realizing the country's vulnerability to climate change, deemed it necessary to strengthen adaptation and mitigation measures and put in place legal and institutional frameworks to ensure implementation and compliance. Government must take responsibility for industry's inaction by implementing policies on climate change and, more importantly, through a visible change in government policy to hold industry accountable. The stringent policies and strategies being put in place are reducing vulnerability and also enhancing a broad spectrum of capacity in responding to environmental, climatic, resource and economic perturbations. The article further reviews state of the art methods and tools available to strengthen mitigation and adaptation strategies and measures in the areas of the existing frameworks regarding climate change. It also considers various measures by Eskom in particular, and strategies embarked upon by South Africa's national and local governments to reduce greenhouse gas emissions.

Nigeria is on the verge of comprehensively reviewing its oil and gas laws. The review is aimed at, among other things, addressing the conflicts associated with the management of the resources and, especially, the affect on the people of the oil producing region of the country who have been vigorously protesting about their alienation from the resources. Drawing on the international law of public participation in natural resource management, this article seeks to develop a viable legislative framework for public participation in oil and gas decision-making that Nigeria can adopt. A viable legislative framework must take into account the various factors that shape the effectiveness of participation and the elements that promote the objectives of participation. It is premised on the ground that looking to international prescriptions might help to elucidate gaps in domestic laws, as well as alternatives to overcome them.

New Economic Partnership Agreements were intended to replace the non-reciprocal EU-African, Caribbean and Pacific trade relationship by 1 January 2008, in a bid to further the development of African, Caribbean and Pacific countries under a WTO-compatible framework. African countries and regions failed to conclude any EPAs by that date due to scepticism about the deeper trade implications of EPAs. However, in a move that has seen the disintegration of Africa's EPA negotiating groups and compromised regional integration across the continent, many African countries broke ranks to initial bilateral goods-only Interim Agreements with the EU as a first step towards concluding full EPAs. Exploring an alternative approach to concluding EPAs, this article underscores the point that the Interim Agreements, although seemingly preserving market access preferences for some African countries, are already having devastating effects on regional integration, the very basis of Africa's development strategy.

This article contends that the severely repressive manner in which Eritrea has been governed in the last ten years violates the right of the Eritrean people to democratic governance. In particular, the refusal of the transitional Government of Eritrea (GoE) to end its transitional tenure in utter defiance of its own promises, transitional laws and the Constitution of Eritrea fits the definition of unconstitutional change of government proscribed by the African Union (AU). This article calls upon the AU's Peace and Security Council to urge the GoE expeditiously to establish democratic governance in accordance with regional, international and Eritrea's own legal standards. Should this demand fall upon deaf ears, this article calls for the AU to impose sanctions on the GoE.

This article analyses the challenges facing those living in poverty in Nigeria in accessing justice for the enforcement of their rights, despite those rights being constitutionally protected and despite the existence of a specific procedure for their enforcement. People living in poverty are generally most likely to see their human rights violated, and least likely to enforce their rights. The article posits that the judiciary in developing countries has a crucial role to play in fighting human rights violations specifically affecting people living in poverty, and notes the great challenge for the Nigerian legislator and judiciary towards making justice accessible in practical terms to the needy in Nigeria. The example of public interest litigation in India can serve as a source of inspiration in this respect.

On 27 April 1994 South Africans adopted a new constitution, with founding values of dignity, equality and freedom. Despite the new constitution, the majority of women remain victims within the workplace. They still find themselves a minority within senior management and are often subjected to sexual harassment. Women are either denied work opportunities for refusing to give in to a perpetrator's sexual advances or they are forced to work in an unpleasant environment that severely infringes on their dignity. There are five legal options available to victims of sexual harassment within the South African workplace. These are claims against the employer for: vicarious liability; automatically unfair dismissal; unfair labour practices; failing to create a safe working environment; and violating the Employment Equity Act. This article examines the strengths and weaknesses of these legal actions. It also makes further suggestions aimed at curbing workplace sexual harassment within South Africa.

This article reviews the collection of essays edited by Aninka Claassens and Ben Cousins, dealing with South Africa's controversial Communal Land Rights Act (CLRA). It comments on the implications of the CLRA for land law and reform. The background to and policy choices underlying the enactment of this piece of legislation are discussed, and the difficulties with its implementation are highlighted. It is significant that, in the case of Tongoane and Others v Minister of Agriculture and Land Affairs and Others, the constitutionality of the CLRA was challenged even before the CLRA became operative. The article discusses the main arguments raised by the constitutionality challenge, and raises further constitutionality issues. It considers the recommendations of Claassens and Cousins and makes further observations, particularly in light of the Tongoane judgment which was delivered after the book was published in 2008.