It is, I think, impossible to read Professor Goodwin's article on ‘Salamis’ in the Journal of the Archaeological Institute of America, 1882—83, without arriving at the conclusion that he has made out a very strong case for his main thesis, viz., that the plan of the battle was wholly different from that which has been constructed by modern historians, who misinterpret, as I suppose Professor Goodwin would hold, the account of Herodotus. I confess to cordial adherence to the main proposition contained in the article, but I find great difficulty in understanding the argument by which he endeavours to reconcile his view with the account given by Herodotus.

That there is some defect in Herodotus' account is clear. At first reading it seems to consist in an absence of information as to the movements of the fleets in the battle itself.

My impression is, however, that Herodotus had at his disposal information with regard to those movements, but misunderstood it.

It will be necessary, in order to explain exactly what I mean, to go over much of the ground which Professor Goodwin traverses, and indeed to make use of some of his arguments.

Recent literature on this Hymn is almost limited to the notes of R. Peppmüller, Philologus, 1884, p. 196 sq., 1894, p. 253 sq., and H. Pomtow, Neue Jahrb. f. Phil., 1886, p. 176, and the articles of A. Kirchhoff, Sitzungsberichte der preuss. Akad. xlii. 1893, and A. W. Verrall in this Journal vol. xiv. pp. 1 sqq. (1894). For Apollo we have the account by Roscher in his Lexicon; Mr. Farnell (Cults of Greek States) has not yet treated him.

Want of illustration and of positive information upon the topics with which the Hymn deals, is the chief stumbling block to its interpretation. We are practically entirely ignorant, so far as other sources are concerned, at these places: the geographical names 32, 35, 40, 217, 422, 423; the nature of Eilithyia's necklace 103; the recitations at the Delian festival 156 sq., Apollo's ‘brides’ 208 sq., the observances connected with chariots at Onchestus 230 sq., the epithets of Apollo 373, 496; the part taken by Cretans in the Delphic worship 393 sq.

Most of the following inscriptions were copied on a tour through the country of the Rhyndacus and Macestus in the autumn of 1894. A few were added on a hasty visit to Balukiser and Balia in September 1896. I have arranged them geographically in a zigzag line, from Brusa westwards to Cyzicus, then south-eastwards to Tavshanli and the plain of Simav, and then westwards again by Balat, Kebsud, Balukiser, and Balia to the Aesepus. For the precise position of the several places, and for topographical details, I may refer to a paper by Mr. H. M. Anthony and myself published in the Journal of the Royal Geographical Society, February and March 1897. Prof. W. C. F. Anderson, who accompanied me on both journeys, has kindly allowed me to compare his readings of the inscriptions with mine, and in one instance I have adopted his copy in preference to my own. I have not repeated any inscriptions which I have found to be already published, unless I believed that I could make material additions or corrections. Many of the following inscriptions will appear to be of little or no importance, but in Asia Minor much light may be thrown on the ethnology, religion, and civilization of a district by mere nomenclature and spelling. The work of Prof. W. M. Ramsay has shown how much may be learnt from the epitaphs and dedications of semi-barbarous peasants. Several of these inscriptions, however, are of some interest, for example No. 27 for political history, Nos. 13 and 67 for historical geography, and Nos. 48 and 64 for the religion of the country.

The vase that is here published, by the kind permission of the authorities of the Harrow School Museum, is the gem of the collection of antiquities presented to that Museum by Sir Gardner Wilkinson; it is described by Mr. Cecil Torr as No. 50 in his catalogue. It had been repainted and restored in such a way as to suggest that it had been through the hands of an Italian dealer; and this conjecture as to its provenance is confirmed by the fact that a tracing of the design exists in the apparat of the German Institute at Rome; the vase comes from Vitorchiano and had been seen in the possession of Depoletti: the tracing was communicated by Gerhard. Dr. Wernicke describes the vase from this tracing in the Archaeologische Zeitung, 1885, p. 262; but it is clear that the tracing was not accurate enough to give him any adequate notion of the beauty and character of the drawing; though he notices the extraordinary foreshortening of the Centaur on the right, he suggests that the design is a variant derived from a vase signed by Polygnotus at Brussels, a suggestion that could not have been made by any one who had seen the vase or a good drawing of it; the style, as we shall see, points unmistakably to an earlier and finer stage in the history of vasepainting.

The Terra-cotta reliefs which form the subject of the present article have been for some years one of the minor attractions of the Acropolis Museum, and I am indebted for permission to publish them to the kindness of the Ephor General M. Cavvadias, and of the Ephors, MM. Staïs and Castriotis. The latter as superintendent of the Museum most obligingly put at my disposal all the information in his possession and afforded me every facility for photographing the tablets. No single tablet in the collection is perfect and of the 73 fragments which comprise it, the great majority came to light during the systematic excavations of the Acropolis which were carried on from 1885–1890; they were all found at some depth below the surface and as far as could be learnt, to the north, the east and the south-east of the Parthenon. The rest have been in the Museum since 1863; these were all found on or near the surface and it is possible that others were carried away by visitors and are now hidden in private collections. The publication of the Museum fragments may lead to their identification and the completion of some of the tablets whose design cannot at present be determined.

I derive the materials of the present paper from some memoranda which I find amongst my archaeological notes and which relate to certain explorations to which I was not a party, made so long ago as 1887. I have thought that the particulars then obtained may be deemed sufficiently interesting to deserve a record in the history of Trojan archaeological discovery.

The subject is one of the four small tumuli dotted about and near the hill of Balli-Dagh, the crest of which according to the now exploded theory of Le Chevalier (1785) was supposed to represent the Pergamos of Troy. In a memoir contributed to the Journal of the Archaeological Institute of 1864, I proved that the site in question was no other than that of the ancient city of Gergis. In the same paper I gave an account of the results of the excavation of one of the group of three tumuli on Balli-Dagh, the so-named Tomb of Priam. The other two, namely Le Chevalier's Tomb of Hector, and an unnamed hillock, were excavated respectively by Sir John Lubbock (about 1878) and Dr. Schliemann (1882) without result. The present relates to the fourth mound on the road between the villages of Bournarbashi and Arablar (as shown in the published maps), which goes by the name of Choban Tepeh (Shepherd's hillock) and the Tomb of Paris, according to Rancklin (1799).

When I first saw this head, I was at once struck by its marked individuality: if any portrait could be recognized from a coin, it seemed to be this, for features so personal the poorest engraver could scarcely conceal. My hopes were realized, as a comparison of the accompanying photographs with the coin reproduced beneath will I hope prove.

In both we see the same treatment of the hair in front, the same fashion of wearing it behind: the long upper lip, the nose with its curiously distended nostrils—the marble preserving just enough to make the agreement certain—the long ears, the deep lines on the cheek, the shape of jaw and forehead, the prominent Adam's apple; these too are common to both.

In a former communication attention was called to an indigenous system of writing in Crete, the earlier stages of which go back, not only far beyond the date of the first introduction of the Phoenician alphabet among the Greeks, but to a period considerably anterior to the most ancient monumental record of the Semitic letters.

From the evidence of ancient Cretan seals it was possible to demonstrate the existence of a form of pictographic writing from its simplest beginnings to a more conventional and abbreviated stage. Side by side with this a variety of data supplied by seals, vases, and inscribed stones, showed the further existence of a linear system of writing, connected with the other and presenting some striking comparisons on the one hand with certain characters found by Professor Petrie in Egypt and by Mr. Bliss at Lachish; on the other hand with the syllabic script of Cyprus and some Anatolian regions. It was further pointed out that in some instances Cretan linear characters displayed a remarkable correspondence with Phoenician and early Greek letter forms.

During the summer of 1897 I had the opportunity of making extensive exploration in Phrygia, and the following paper gives, as a first instalment, an account of the more important results of the season's work there. I have given a map (Plate XII) based on the Ottoman Railway Survey to illustrate the watercourses of the Laodiceian district, but I regret that a map to show the new sites has had to be deferred. At the outset I must make acknowledgment of the valuable help I have received from Prof. W. M. Ramsay, who has kindly sent me some criticisms and suggestions. For the numerous references to his volumes on Phrygia no apology is necessary. Every student of its history must use his brilliant pages as the basis of his study; and the work of the explorer in the districts which they cover must naturally be to endeavour to amplify the information, and to confirm or correct the views, which he finds there.