Latin American archaeology has been influenced by the world theoretical context, from which it has developed original approaches. Currently, a culture-history conceptual foundation still predominates in the region, with some modern variants that have emphasized environmental aspects and approached specific problems. Processual archaeology, especially the North American varieties, remains minor in the region despite many Latin American archaeologists’ belief that their work falls within this camp. Post-processual trends are even less well represented, although a growing number of researchers focus in an eclectic fashion on subject matter that corresponds to the post-processual agenda (e.g., identity, multivocality, etc.). Researchers in certain areas within the region are producing original research linked to political economy and its relation to ideology, and others are focusing on symbolic and cognitive aspects (in some cases within a structuralist framework). In Latin America several interesting methodological developments are emerging, among which ethnoarchaeology and vertebrate taphonomy stand out. In recent years historical archaeology has been one of the disciplines that has grown the most and achieved the greatest popularity. Despite the still-limited nature of Latin American archaeology’s contributions in the field of theory and methodology, there is nonetheless sustained growth in this direction, fundamentally in the generation of models for the interpretation of regional processes. However, these contributions are not visible at the level of international debate and are generally ignored by archaeologists from the central countries. The multiple causes of this phenomenon are analyzed.

En Cuba, la orientación de los entierros aborígenes del período arcaico ha sido objeto de especulación e indagación por parte de numerosos especialistas. Dentro de la arqueología del Caribe ha llamado la atención la propuesta de algunos arqueólogos de la mayor de las Antillas relacionada con la dependencia del este como punto cardinal y la orientación de los cráneos de los primeros habitantes. Sin embargo, los elementos discutidos en este artículo demuestran que las orientaciones de estos entierros en cuevas generalmente se relacionan con el lugar de acceso al espacio fúnebre y las partes naturales que limitan el acceso al lugar.

Long before they devised a written calendar, the Maya articulated their seasons by means of an “orientation calendar” that consisted of visual alignments involving their architecture. One specialized set of buildings, Group Eat Uaxactún, Guatemala, in the Petén lowlands, has been regarded as the prototype of such a calendar. We present new data based on precise measurements made in the field at 12 Group E complexes and obtained for a number of additional sites from reliable maps where on-site astronomical fixes were acquired. Statistical analysis of the resulting 99 alignments supports the hypothesis that, at least at some stage of development, certain of these specialized complexes did indeed function astronomically. The earliest version of the orientation calendar seems to have developed in the Petén; it was focused on the solstices. A later orientation calendar seems to have functioned principally during the season leading up to the onset of rain and crop planting. It consisted of a division of the dry season into 20-day months prior to the first annual passage of the sun across the zenith (approximately May 10 in the Christian calendar). We argue that this later orientation calendar was derived from Teotihuacan during the Early Classic period (A.D. 278–593).

The ancient Maya hieroglyphic inscriptions of the upper Usumacinta region record an intensive interaction that took place among its regional capitals. The precise geographic locations of some of these sites are presently unknown. Through the application of the Gravity Model within the framework of Geographic Information Systems (GIS), we present the probable locations and possible territorial extents of a few of these: Sak Tz’i’, Hix-Witz, and the “Knot-Site.” On this occasion, however, we concentrate our discussion on the role that the kingdom of Sak Tz’i’ played in the geopolitical scenario of the region. It is our belief that this case study constitutes a good example of how, through a conjunctive approach that integrates the archaeological with the epigraphic data, GIS can represent an excellent analytical tool to approach archaeological issues such as the political organization of the Maya Lowlands during the Late Classic period.

Agriculture in the arid and semi-arid regions that comprise much of present-day Peru, Bolivia, and Northern Chile is heavily dependent on irrigation; however, obtaining a dependable water supply in these areas is often difficult. The precolumbian peoples of Andean South America adapted to this situation by devising many strategies for transporting, storing, and retrieving water to insure consistent supply. I propose that the “elaborated springs” found at several Inka sites near Cuzco, Peru, are the visible expression of a simple and effective system of groundwater control and storage. I call this system “geologic water storage” because the water is stored in the pore spaces of sands, soils, and other near-surface geologic materials. I present two examples of sites in the Cuzco area that use this technology (Tambomachay and Tipón) and discuss the potential for identification of similar systems developed by other ancient Latin American cultures.

A number of previous authors have suggested, based on limited data, that Pachychilus spp., freshwater gastropods often called jute, may have played a role in ancient Maya ritual. Data collected by the authors demonstrate that jute shells consistently appear as part of faunal assemblages in ceremonial caves across the southern Maya Lowlands. At surface sites, jute are often associated with ceremonial architecture, particularly ballcourts. Previous ethnographic accounts are reviewed for clues to ancient Maya jute use. New ethnographic data suggest a role not previously considered by archaeologists. A Q‘eqchi’ Maya informant states that shells are gathered up after meals and deposited in caves as an offering in thanks to “Mother Earth” (Madre Tierra) who provided the mollusks. This practice suggests that the ancient shells may represent a secondary deposition rather than reflecting consumption occurring in the cave. The presence of jute shells may document ancient religious beliefs and ritual activities surrounding an important subsistence resource.

Arguments for the cosmological significance of ancient Maya city layouts are plausible, but empirical applications are subjective and lack rigor. I illustrate this contention through brief comments on a recent article by Ashmore and Sabloff. I first discuss some of the complexities and pitfalls in studying cosmology from ancient city plans, and then focus on one component of the authors’ cosmological model—the hypothesized north-south axis at Classic Maya cities. My goal is not to down-play or rule out the role of cosmology in Maya city planning, but rather to encourage the use of explicit assumptions and rigorous methods that will provide the study of Maya city planning with a more secure empirical foundation.

In response to Smith’s critique, we situate our work within the scientific method. We review how our hypotheses arose, how and by whom they have been tested, and with what results. Like Smith, we focus on whether Maya civic centers include emphatic expression of a north-south axis, and on the inference of a partially cosmological basis of Maya axial orders. We indicate sources of our inferences and review explicitly the criteria that Smith faults us for having omitted. We reaffirm that these ideas merit further testing, and welcome renewed and expanded collaboration as to the best methods for doing so. In the spirit of collaboration, we offer specific programmatic suggestions for how this inquiry might proceed.