Salutem in Christo

Worthy Sir

I here send you an inclosed Paper by his Majesties Commande. The Contentes of it are (as you will quickly perceyve) touchinge some fayre Course how to augment the Meanes of poore Vicars etc. And his Majesty is graciously pleased that you, taking unto you Mr Solicitor and Mr Serjeant Bramston, doe (with asmuch convenyent speed as may be) seriously consider of it, and advise upon fitt waye for the legall effecting of the Busynes. Which when you have thought on, you shall doe well to take some opportunity to acquaint his Majesties Reverend Judges therewith, that it may be carryed without any Stoppe or hindrance by any Prohibitions.

This day the Recorder and some of the Aldermen were with his Majesty to make a new Proposition concerning the busynes of the Ministers; The Kinge commanded them to attend you about it, which the Recorder undertooke. I doubt not of your care in the Busynes, but I hartily pray you to see that this may not be a hindrance to the mayne intent, for the meeting holdes on Sunday next.

One thinge more I shall recommend unto you, and that is breifly this. I heare the Towne of Shrewsbury are about to renew theyr Charter, and I am informed from very credible hand, that they doe it of purpose to hedge in some Priviledges of the Church. I shall therefore hartily desire you, that if there be any such motion I may be made acquainted with it, before you doe any thinge in it, and I shall (God willinge) doe the best I can that the Church may receyve noe prejudice. Soe with thankes for all your love and paines, I leave you to the Grace of God and rest in hast

Your very lovinge Freind.

W: Cant:

Lambeth. November 11. 1634.

To my most Honoured Friend Sir John Bankes Knight his Majesties Atturney Generall at Greys Inne. These.

The Life of Job is an English biblical poem from the middle of the fifteenth century: a time when biblical poetry was not generally being written. It is a short poem, in rhyme royal stanzas, composed in aureate language that reads like an imitation of Lydgate. The poem cuts all the central material from the canonical Book of Job, removing all questioning about divine justice and the human condition. This leaves a kind of saint's life, with Job as a man of straightforwardly exemplary patience who is tested, rewarded and eventually dies. This hagiographical presentation, along with the incorporation of legendary material and a few episodes of the poet's own invention, fits fairly well into the older, thirteenth- and fourteenth-century tradition of biblical poems, works that ‘weave with ease and without self-consciousness in and out of the volume we know … as the Bible.’ But on the other hand, the poem is accompanied by a highly unusual set of glosses from the Vulgate, which clearly demonstrate exactly how each stanza corresponds to the Bible, making absolutely explicit the poem's status as a close translation of its chosen biblical passages.

The poem appears uniquely in San Marino, CA, Huntington Library MS HM 140, without title, author, or any kind of authorizing note. William McClellan has persuasively argued that the manuscript is made up of three originally separate fifteenth-century paper booklets. The first part (fols. 1r–92v), written in multiple hands, opens with Lydgate's Life of Saint Alban and Saint Amphibal, followed by a text of the Clerk's Tale without an opening prologue and with a truncated ending; it continues with shorter poems by Chaucer and Lydgate and an incomplete text of Lydgate's Testamentum. The second part (fols 93r–124v), written in a new hand, contains only the Life of Job (fols 93v–96v), and has numerous names and pen trials on the remaining blank pages. The third part (fols 125r–170v), written in further new hands, opens with The Libelle of Englyshe Polycye and an incomplete, Latin Apollonius of Tyre, which is followed by several prayers and treatises, including a piece of advice to apprentices; as Seth Lerer has commented, it has the feel of a commonplace book.

His Majesties pleasure is, That you thinke of a way of setling the Rectory of Thorpe Mandevile in County Northampton upon the present Incumbent Mr Bridges and his Successors for ever. And for soe doing this shalbe your warrant. Dated at Whytehall the 17th. of October 1638.

W: Cant:

To Sir John Bankes Knight his Majesties Attorney generall

Salutem in Christo

After my hearty commendations, etc.

You know how strict your old Statute is that none of the Churches Lands should be lett into lives but onely for the Terme of one and twenty yeares; And likewise in how many Particulars your Predecessors have neglectyed their Oath and broken that Statute for their owne Advantage and to the great Detriment of that Church. Concerning this businesse I have bin twice or thrice sollicited to alter the Statute in this poynte. But this Authority being derived unto mee from his Majestie I did not hold it fitt in a matter of soe greate moment to alter any thing but with his Majesties both knowledge and approbation. Therefore at Mr Deanes desire I did at two severall times acquaint his Majestie with this busynesse and desired to know his pleasure whether he would not give way that such Leases as were lett into Lives already might be renewed into Lives againe, and the prohibition stand in your new Statutes onely for such Leases as are now for yeares. His Majesties Answer was at both times that since the old Statute was soe peremptory, and soe good and broken in former times onely by such as for proffitt sake forgot their Oath, He would have the New Statutes as full as the old were and as strict, and Commanded mee to lett you know soe much. And I have signified this his Majesties pleasure twice to Mr Deane already. Notwithstanding this I am lately inform’d that there hath bin an attempt in Chapter to renew some of these Leases into lives. Whereupon I have now moov’d his Majestie a third time that I might know whether He had alterd any of His former Resolutions. But His Majestie answerd me cleerly that he had not, and withall Comaunded me to write these Letters to you and in them to require you in his Majesties Name that you presume not to renew any Lease that is lett into Lives, but to lett the lives weare out and then reduce them to one and twenty yeares according to Statute.

Salutem in Christo

Worthye Sir:

I hartelye thanke you for all your love to the Church and your respects to me. And particularlye for your Care of thiss present busynes.2 I have read over the papers you sent, and with mye thankes returne you thiss answear.

Wee at the High-Commission Can doe noe more then the Course of that Court, and the power given us can reach to: That is, wee can but suspend mye Lord of Lincolne ab Officijs et Beneficijs, soe far as belongs to Ecclesiasticall things and Causes.3 And I thinke you need not doubt but be Certaine, that thiss will not operat for the Temporaltyes of a Byshop. And you knowe (beinge present att all the debate in the Inner Star-chamber) that all the Lords agreed upon soe little Fyne because they tooke awaye all the Rents and proffits of his Bishopric and Deanerye, els three tymes as much would have bine layed on hime. Thearfore I doe not Conceave but the sentence must be drawen full accordinge to the meaninge and Expression of the Lords. And as I knowe you love your Masters service well and hartelye, soe out of that Confidence lett me deale plainlye with you. I doe much doubt wheather thiss sentence will give the Kinge satisfaction or not: sure I am it will not, unless you make it full as was intended. Thearfore in anye case be Carefull that noe defect lye on your syde.

I hope to meet you at Oatlands. Thear I must Expect the sentence maye be readye, if the Kinge call for speedye Execution, which is Certainlye fitt.

I will bringe thither with me a list of the printers, and Consider with you of their Complaints. In the mean tyme, I send your papers safe backe againe and sealed, and desyer you to be confident I shall ever rest

your verye lovinge frend

W: Cant:

Croiden. Juli; 14. 1637.

For mye verye worthye Frend Sir John Bankes his Maiestyes Attournye Generall thess.

Salutem in Christo.

After my hearty commendations etc.

I have lately received Letters from Dr Pask, a worthy member of that your Church: by which letters of his I find that there is some doubt made of the payment of some dues to him for this yeare past now at your ensuing Audit. I thinke you cannot but remember, that I have heretofore declared my selfe, that I like not the making of any head of a house in Oxford or Cambridge, Canon resident either of that Cathedral as any other, where so much residence is required. For it must of necessity make them fall short of their duty in the one place or the other. But howsoever, that judgment of mine may not unworthily prejudice those men, whom the King hath placed amongst you, and to whom his Majesty hath given dispensation, notwithstanding any decree made by your selves for the enlarging of reverence, so they performe all exercises required by Statute. And I assure my selfe his Majesty will not take it well that his dispensation under his signet should be slighted by any of you, in comparison of a decree of your owne, and for your owne profit. The persons whom this may concerne are not many, for I thinke there are none but Dr Pask and Dr Frewin.

These are therefore to advise you to do nothing but that which may well beseeme you in kindnes to them, and especially in regard of your duty to his Majesty. And for your New Statuts, they have been absolutely finished this terme, and under seale, had not this close time by reason of the sicknes hindred it. But whensoever I do passe them, I will know his Majesties pleasure concerning the continuance of these dispensations. In the meane time, not doubting but that you will do what shall be fitting, I leave you to the grace of God, and rest

Your very loving friend

W: Cant:

Croydon October 20 1636

To my very loving freinds, the Deane and Chapter of the Cathedral Church of Christ at Canterbury, these

Salutem in Christo.

After my hearty Commendations etc!

I have receaved your Letters of April 3. Concerning the Augmentation, and payment of the Ministers stipends, which I am heartily sorry any men should stick at. And for my part I hope, the Lawyers wilbe better mynded, then to give impediment to so good a Worke. Howsoever I have according to your Desires moov’d His Majestie, who hath taken order with my Lord Treasurer, and the Clark Register for the settling of that Busines. By whom now at theire returne I doubt not but you will receave good contentment.

And now I must desire of you that you will hasten as much as may be, all that is to be done on your part about S. Giles's Church, and the New Churches, which you are to Build, that his Majestie may see how carefull you are in this particular about the Cathedrall, and the other Churches; and be the more ready thereupon to gratify you of that Citty in such other Suites, as you may at any tyme have, to make unto Him. Thus not doubting of your Care, and forwardnes herein, I leave you to Gods blessed protection, and rest

Your very loveinge friende

W: Cant:

Lambeth. May. 15. 1637.

His Majesties Expresse pleasure is, that in all things concerning the Cathedrall, and the other Churches now to be built, you doe follow the Directions (for the forme) of my Lord of St. Andrews, and the Bishop and Deane of Edenborough. And His Majesties pleasure likewise is, that the Clarke Register give his best Assistance.

It is well known that marriage was one of the most potent factors in the growth of individual late medieval lay estates, but it is perhaps less widely appreciated how often this was simply a matter of chance. Lands might be added to an estate through marriage in one of two ways. The first was marriage to a recognised heiress as a deliberate strategy of land accumulation. The second was an unexpected accrual which was the result of a marriage made when the bride was not expected to inherit. The distinction is one between marriage and inheritance and it is this distinction which is the subject of this essay. The discussion falls into three parts, the first establishing the circumstances under which a woman might inherit land, the second a statistical analysis of accruals of land by marriage contrasting marriage and inheritance, and last a discussion of the implications of the result.

The marriage of the heir was usually arranged by his father when he was in his teens, unless he had succeeded as a minor before his father had done so, in which case his marriage was at the disposal of the feudal overlord. For the father, the choice of a bride involved social and financial, and possibly political, considerations. The political aspect might have a specific motive, to make peace between families, but probably more often they were general, alliances between families of similar political leanings. A good example of this is the three marriages arranged by Bartholomew de Badlesmere in 1316 with leading members of the royal affinity, Roger Mortimer, William de Roos and Robert Fitzpayn. Whatever political considerations were involved, marriages were usually carried out between families of the same social standing and, for the marriage of the heir, this was the most important aspect and one which would be offset only by a large financial motive. The financial aspects of the alliance were usually encapsulated in the terms of the marriage contract. These might vary in detail according to the particular circumstances which pertained but almost invariably they included the size of the cash portion which would be paid by the bride's father to the groom's father and the size of the bride's jointure in lands which would be settled by the groom's father on the couple and their children.

Mr Secretary,

I Thinke ‘tis fit to dismisse the poore old Man home, since he hath told us all the Busines. But I pray let me speake with you, before you enter further into the Busines.

Your Honours to seve you.

W: Cant:

To Mr Secretary Windebancke.

The landscape of Piers Plowman teems with ‘fleynge foweles’ (8.54). This essay argues that the hawk Langland could have seen circling high over feeld and wildernesse makes repeated appearances in different guises, and that its literary origins almost certainly lie in Hugh of Fouilloy's Aviarium. Depicting ‘uita actiua’ with the emblem of the hawk in its prologue miniature (Figure 5.1), the iconography alone of the Aviarium allows us to see at the outset how Langland could have accessed such imagery for his ‘Activa Vita’, Haukyn, whose name has long puzzled critics but whose cote is also his ‘plumage’. Hugh's text illuminates in less obvious ways; once we understand his hawk, fresh interpretations of other vexed areas of our poem are released. After a brief look at the Aviarium, I discuss Haukyn and the nature of hawks from their names, before analysing the poet's presentation of Mede, the Deadly Sins (Envy, Covetise and Sleuthe), and Piers/Perkyn. I then turn to Haukyn himself before drawing my conclusions. The aim is to trace a constellation of hawks by identifying each, and clarifying the relation of one to another; and to sharpen our appreciation of Langland's resources – learning, wit, imagination, compassion, humour – in using hawks, and birds in general, to articulate a major line of argument which involves seeing pardons as lures or traps. In revising his B text (perhaps incompletely) Langland removed Piers's tearing of the pardon, Haukyn's name and many associated hawking terms, and two citations of ‘Ne soliciti sitis’ marking their parallel conversions, and I suggest some reasons for why he did so.

The privilege of protection for crusaders’ possessions was an important one but it was not the only defensive measure that the crusaders relied upon. Thus, it was common for crusaders to appoint close family members, usually their wives, as regents to guard their interests for the duration of their absence. This chapter will focus on the First Crusade regents to determine the effect of the protection privilege and the impact of the crusaders’ absence on those left behind, in this case the wives and sons of two prominent First Crusaders: Count Robert II of Flanders and Count Stephen of Blois. The potential disorder that might be provoked by the crusaders’ departure required strong secular guardians. In this sense, perhaps it is surprising that many crusaders chose their wives rather than male candidates. In the medieval period, rulership was normally a male prerogative, so there must have been compelling reasons to appoint female regents. One may be familiarity; the close relationship of a wife to the absent crusader and the familiar face she presented to his neighbours and tenants provided more stability than the appointment of an outsider or non-family member. In terms of military expertise, the use of experienced advisors could have mitigated the problems associated with female rule and indeed it was not unheard of for women to engage in warfare directly as commanders of armies.

The phrase ‘comital insiders’ is used here to indicate people who were close members of the court's inner circle and had a familiarity with that court and at least an understanding of the basics of government. As a wife, a countess was one such comital insider; she was part of the count's inner circle and she was well placed to observe her husband's government. Likewise an ‘ideal regent’ required access to court and an awareness of the key political players who could form her power base – those most loyal to the count, including both ecclesiastical and lay people. An ability to inspire and retain those loyalties and to foster new ones would also seem valuable. Logically, the ideal regent would remain loyal to the count and protect his possessions. Hodgson and Geldsetzer argue that wives were chosen because regency was viewed as an extension of the perceived ideals of motherhood; a wife should act for the well-being of her children, and her lands.

Inhabitants of the Sarladais were ensnared in an elaborate web of honor that was especially dense where marriage and amatory affairs were involved. The eighteenth century may, in theory, have placed a higher value on conjugal love, but mostly this new emphasis on the importance of love between prospective spouses benefited men; in practice, the old rules and restrictions still applied to the overwhelming majority of the population. As a result, freer love for men translated into increased precariousness for young women, who were no longer as protected from the outcome. Unlike men, they could not afford to think about their individual desires; most often, they still thought in terms of their honor, that is, their duties and obligations to the family, clan, and community. Since male and especially female honor were still held at a premium, those who transgressed the respective obligations of their gender risked harsh reprobation. A woman's honor demanded that she be free of any blemish or even suspicion. The men of the family—fathers and brothers, and, later, husbands—considered it a point of honor to supervise the conduct and appearance of daughters, sisters, and wives to safeguard their reputations. At all public gatherings (e.g., fêtes, weddings, market days), brothers kept sisters from engaging in unseemly conduct and frequenting undesirable young men and thereby placing family honor at risk. Beyond the protective umbrella of her family, a young woman might naïvely feel a sense of liberation, but she actually became all the more vulnerable to depredation. Early modern French society (especially in the Midi) still tended to view an unaccompanied female as naturally weak and in need of surveillance. Without male supervision and protection, she had to suffer the consequences.

A respectable young woman living under the watchful eye of her family also had to be constantly wary of young men who might divert her from what her family considered an advantageous or at least appropriate match. If she received publicly witnessed promises of marriage and then proceeded to yield to her lover's amatory advances, she was still thought to have retained her honor because honnêteté also demanded fidelity to one's lover.