in ye Late declaration of the statutes of the cathedrall church of Norwich presented to his Majestie it was ordered that the mannor of Hindolveston should be annexed to the Deanery for a corps for ever.

But this being exceeding preiudicial to the foundation of the sayd Church, the Deane and prebendaries have humbly petitioned, that the sayd declaration may be newly ingrossed. The Annexation of the sayd mannor of Hindolveston being omitted only. And all the rest to stand.

Concerning which his Majesty is pleased that it should so be drawen and had commaunded me to give you warrant for it, which here I doe under mye hand.

Guil: London:

April. 27. 1629.

To my Verye Worthye and much honoured frend Sir Robert Heath his Majestyes Attournye Gennerall.

Salutem in Christo.

After my harty commendations etcetera.

You cannot but take notice of his Majesties most pious and honourable intention, for the repayre of decayes of St Paules Church here in London, beinge the Mother Church of this Citty and Diocess, and the Great Cathedrall of this Kingdome. A great dishonour it is, not onely to this Cittye, but to the whole State, to see that ancyent and goodly pyle of Buildinge soe decayed as it is; but it will be a farr greater, if care should not be taken to prevent the fall of it into ruynes. And it would be noe less disgrace to Religion, happily established in this Kingdome, if it should have soe little power over the myndes of men, as not to prevayle with them to keepe those Eminent places of Gods service in due and decent repayre, which theyr Forefathers built, in Tymes (by theyr own Confession) not soe full of the knowledge of Gods truth, as this present age is. I am not ignorant how many worthy workes have been done of late, in, and about this Cittye, towardes the Buildinge and repayringe of Churches, which makes me hope that every mans purse will open, accordinge to Gods blessinge upon him, towardes this great and necessary worke, soe much tendinge to the service of God, and the honour of this Nation. The Generall Bodye of the Cittye have done very worthily in thyer bounty allready, as alsoe the Lord Mayour, Aldermen and Sheriffes serverally for thyer owne persons. These are therfore accordinge to theyr Example, hartily to praye and desyre you, the Master, Wardens, and other Assistantes of the worthy Company of the Carpenters, to contribute out of your publyke stocke to the Worke aforesaid what you in your charity and devotion shall thinke fitt, and to paye the Summe resolved on by you into the Chamber of London, at or before our Lady day next, prayinge you that I may receyve, by any Servant of your Company, a note what the Summe is which you resolve to give. And for this charity of yours, whatsoever it shall prove to be, I shall not onely give you harty thankes, but be as ready to serve you, and every of you, as you are to serve God and his Church.

Salutem in Christo.

After my hearty commendations etc.

His Majestie having preferd Mr. Peake, who for some yeares past hath beene preacher amongst you, and given you good satisfaction: hath thought fitt in his Princely wisdome to recommend to me Mr James Leviston, Bachelor of divinity of the university of Cambridge a very learned and a good Preacher, to succeed Mr Peake, when he leaves that place, which he must shortly doe. Now because the maintenance ariseth from the Parishe where he takes his paines, I am not willing to doe any thing without your likeing, and the rather because a good correspondency betwixt him, and you, will give most contentment to both. Theise are therefore to pray you to satisfie his Majesties desires in this behalf, who I knowe will take it very well, if you be pleased to gratify Mr Leveston. And thoughe at this tyme, I should not of myselfe have named any man to you, till yourselves had proposed some to me, yet nowe having received theise his Majesties Letters (which I send inclosed) I cannot for my parte but readily obey them, and so I hope will you, Thus not doubting but that you will very willingly yeeld to that which his Majestie desires soe fayrly from you, I leave all you to the Grace of God, and rest

Your very lovinge Freind

Guil: London

London house April 4.

To the Right worshipfull my very worthy Freinds the Knights, and gentlemen of the vestrye, together with the Vicar and Churchwardens of the Parishe of St Martins in the Feilds theise.

Salutem in Christo.

My very good Lord

Though your Lordship by the receyte of the Accquittance which the Gentleman that payd in your mony hath, cannot but knowe that it is receyved, yet I thought fitt to let you knowe soe much alsoe immediatly from my self; and withall to give you thankes for your Love and forwardnes to this Great and necessary Worke. And I must needs saye that lookinge upon nothinge but your Bishopricke the Guift is great. And though we say here that God hath blest your Lordship otherwise with a very fayre, and a plentifull Estate (which he make happye to you, and youres) yet I knowe you are both Judge and Master of that, and I shall not be uncivill to offer to prescribe to your Lordship what rule to followe in your charitable bounty, but doe thanke you hartily for that you have done, the rather because of your Expression, that your Lordship come's on the more willingly for my sake.

Onely my Lord one thinge is omitted in your Letter, which I must hartily praye you to express in your next, or to send me a particular Subscription by it self, that you will extend this your Guift of £40 to a yearly payment, to be payd in, every yeare at the beginning of Michaelmas Terme, as now it hath been. And soe my former Letters to your Lordship mentioned. And soe every Bishop gives yearly, whatever the Summe be that he impose's upon himself. Thus not doubtinge of your Lordships love and readynes to serve the Church every waye aswell as in this, and with thankes for your respectes to me, I leave you to the Grace of God, and shall ever rest

Your Lordships very lovinge poore Freind and Brother.

Guil: London:

London house October 22. 1631.

I pray my Lord because I knowe neyther Mr Dean's name, nor the place of his habitation, let me trouble your Lordship for the delivery of these Letters, if he reside in, or near Chester.

GUILIELMUS Divina Providentia Archiepiscopus Cantuariensis, totius Angliae Primas ac Metropolitanus, et Universitatis OXON Cancellarius; UNIVERSIS et singulis tam Laicis quam Clericis Salutem in Domino Sempiternam.

Cum ex imperato Serenissimi Potentissimisque Domini nostri CAROLI Regis, ad affectatam inceptamque a nobis Reformationem Statutorum Universitatis praedictae (quae varias ex decursu seculorum sibi difficultates contraxerant, atque instauratione et explicatione etiam et novorum adiectione indiguerant) accelerandam perimplendamque enixus nuper accingeremur, ut prudentissimi Optimique Principis voto, atque singulari eius vereque Regio erga bonas artes ac dictae Universitatis regimen amori eiusmodi, qua fieri potuit, satisfaceremus;

Cumque res ea quidem perquam ardua (id quod exinde satis deprehendsum est, quod seculis anterioribus eadem toties frustra tentata sit) ex authoritate et decreto Convocationis dictae Universitatis, mandaretur primo Viris egregijs ad hoc specialiter deputatis, qui Statuta tum vetera tum recentia, ac insuper de novo addenda quae praesenti dictae Universitatis regimini magis accomoda viderentur, in unum Corpus conijcerent; quod illi diligenter etiam praestiterunt:

Cumque, postquam Corpus illud denuo sub incudem Praefectorum Collegiorum et Aularum dictae Universitatis vocatum, in Conventu ipsorum Praefectorum hebdomadali, fido et severo examine fuisset ventilatum, Vice-Cancellarius dictae Universitatis Convocationi dictae Universitatis vicesimo die Augusti Anno Salutis 1633 habitae, significaret id totum quod hac in re ut praefertur praestitum est, ultimamque mei manum seu recensionem et confirmationem Corpus illud tum solummodo desiderare; Unde dictae Convocationi tunc placuit me dictae Universitatis nomime rogandum esse, ut dictum Statutorum Corpus recenserem, atque sigillo firmarem;

Cumque ita dictae Universitatis nomine rogatus, matura in dicto Statutorum Corpore recensendo deliberatione habita, atque alijs in eodem mutatis, alijsque, secundum id quod praesenti dictae Universitatis regimini magis idoneum mihi visum est, adiectis, ipsum corpus dictorum Statutorum typis excudi, atque eiusdem exemplaria excusa per singula Collegia et Aulas dictae Universitatis dispergi, atque omnia et singula Statuta in eodem contenta, in probationem praeviam, observari curarem, ut scilicet tam ex temporario eiusdem Corporis ac Statutorum usu ac praxi in dicta Universitatis regenda, quam ex omnium Academicorum recognitione et examine, cui ita expositum est dictum Corpus, eorumque iudicio libero ab ipsis commodius rescirem, utrum in dicto Corpore Statotorum errores aliqui defectusve hactenus restarent;

After my hearty commendations etc.

These are to lett you know that I have now considered of all the reasons and other authorities urged by you for the immunity and freedome of that University from Metropoliticall visitation. And I have taken some counsell upon them, and, though not so very much as I purpose to doe, yet sufficient as I conceive, to informe mee, that notwithstanding all that is pretended, my Archiepiscopall right to visit that University, standes firme and unimpeached. And if I have staid somwhat long in the perusall and consideration of the reasons by you exhibited for your exemption, you cannot thinke very much of that, because I staide longer for your Answere to my first letters, then you have now done for these of mine. And farther because I would do all things fairely towards that Body, I have acquainted the Right Honourable the Earle of Holland, your worthy Chancellor, that for ought yet appeares to mee I purpose god willing to visit both the Universityes by my Metropoliticall power, unles you can shew better grounds for your exemption, then hitherto you have done. Yet nevertheles I thought fitt to write once more to you, hereby to pray you to give mee your advised answere, whether you will submitt to my Metropoliticall Visitation or not, and if you bee minded to submitt, then I shall proceed in due time accordingly, without prejudice to any locall Statutes eyther of the University or Colledges, and meddle with nothing but that which is ecclesiasticall. But if you refuse and meane to try the strength of your priviledges then I shall petition his Majestie to assigne some time for his owne hearing to settle the buisines, being of great consequence for the peace and good of this Church and of no litle benefitt to the University it selfe. Thus praying you without further delay to give me your finall answere, whether you will submitt or no, I leave you to Gods blesed protection and rest.

Your very loving friend

W: Cant.

Lambeth May. 6. 1636.

To my Loving freinds the Vicechancellor and the rest of the Heads of colleges and halls in the university of Cambridge

❧Introduction

At Whitsun 1610 a minstrel from Nailsea, John Stretting or Streating, was booked to play at Clevedon, five miles away, the next settlement of any size across the north Somerset levels. Clevedon's festivities must have been continuing through the week, for he left home on the Tuesday and was not expected back until the next day or the day after. Unfortunately for his wife Grace, he had forgotten his ‘box of strings’, and, returning with another man late on the Tuesday night to retrieve it, found a half undressed interloper in the house. The wife was sent packing to her father and money changed hands to appease the offended husband.

No doubt he was reluctant to include songs about cuckolds in his repertoire thereafter, for the affair got abroad. But we cannot be sure that he sang in any case. In fact we know precious little about him. Did he play the harp, lute, or fiddle? Where would he have got his strings from? How much would the Clevedon parishioners have paid him, and what exactly would he have contributed to the Whitsun ale? Was he part of a band, or alone? Was he booked, or did he just turn up as a busker? If the former – for there is evidence of high demand for and planned acquisition of musicians’ services – how far ahead would he have been secured, by whom, and by what method of communication? Could he read? Did he keep an engagement diary? Was he a trained musician, and did that mean that he was literate in music notation? What else did he do, or was this his full-time occupation? Did he keep his box of strings in his instrument case? If not, it seems less likely that he had genuinely forgotten such a crucial item of luggage and more possible that, already suspicious, he did it on purpose and made sure he had a witness to hand.

It is not just time that has obscured our knowledge of Stretting's livelihood and performance practice; as already indicated in chapter 3, we might ask many of the same questions about a twentieth-century band musician without expecting to find easy answers.

Music history has not been kind to Hindemith. Heralded by some in his own lifetime as the future of German contemporary music, and later chosen as one of the New Grove Dictionary's ‘Modern Masters’, he has begun to drift to the margins of music history. This is regrettable given both the quality of his music and the significant number of performances he continues to receive – particularly of his chamber works. He was never innovative enough for the avant-garde, and yet for others he still falls into the category of a ‘contemporary’ composer. History, it seems, does not know quite how to remember him.

Relevantly, many twentieth-century composers and theorists were reliant on their students to introduce and champion their work to a wider community. Schenker and Schoenberg are notable examples, whose theoretical work was posthumously disseminated and built up by faithful students Ernst Oster, Felix Salzer and Oswald Jonas, and Leonard Stein and Gerald Strang respectively.

Their enthusiasm and dedication precipitated the international understanding of Schenker's and Schoenberg's work in the second half of the twentieth century. Hindemith was not as fortunate as either. For a time, America brought him notable success, which reached its peak in the late 1940s. The editor of Time magazine wrote in 1948 that ‘few living composers have ever had so much of their music played in one week. Everyone seemed to burst out playing the knotty dissonant music of Paul Hindemith’. Moreover, Hindemith received fourteen commissions during his time in the USA, more than any other composer during the same period. However a dramatic devaluation of Hindemith's music and theory occurred during the 1950s, provoking Copland to reverse his implicit criticism of Hindemith's music influence in the 1940s to a defence of his worth. This chapter explores this general shift in attitude and its consequences for the wider reception of Hindemith's music and theory.

Charles, the eldest of the three known sons of Robert and Frances Forth, was christened on 12 July 1565 at Benhall, the home of his widowed maternal grandmother Mary Glemham, about eight miles north of his father's house at Butley. Mothers and other relatives frequently assisted young women in childbirth, and Mary Glemham's residence nearby made a stay in her house convenient for Frances Forth. Charles probably owed his given name to his Glemham ancestry, and possibly to his grandmother's personal choice. Charles was not a very common first name in Tudor England. However, Charles's maternal great-grandfather Sir John Glemham had been a first cousin of Charles Brandon, duke of Suffolk, Henry VIII's brother-in-law. Charles's grand¬father Edward Glemham and his great-uncle Christopher had as young gentlemen both served in the duke's household. Mary Glemham died in May 1571, leaving Charles the considerable sum of £100, to be paid him at twenty-one.

We know very little about Charles Forth's childhood. Two local men, John Long of Capel and John Hatch of Butley, left him quite valuable bequests in their wills: Long a suckling colt just taken from its mother, and Hatch a coin worth twenty shillings. Perhaps they liked the young Charles, whom they had known during his childhood years, and also hoped for the favour of the locally powerful Forths towards their own heirs.

For many years, Charles was Robert's and Frances's only son. When he was about fourteen, as his father later recalled, that is in 1579–80, Robert placed Charles at Norwich, forty-eight miles from Butley, with Mr Birde a ‘very reverend, grave and godlye’ schoolmaster or teacher, so that he might be brought up in the fear of God, learning, and knowl¬edge of the Latin tongue and good letters. It is not clear where Charles had been educated before this, but Robert's testimony suggests that this was the first time Charles had been sent so far away from home. Fourteen was an age when some youths were already at university. It seems quite a late age at which to send a boy away to board with a master for the first time. The fact that Charles was for a long time Robert's only son may have made him a protective father, reluctant to let his heir too far out of his sight.

Salutem in Christo.

My very good Lord.

Mr Hudson hath been with me sent by Mr Secretary, and I cannot fynd but that he intends reall prosecution in the proofe of Simony against Mr Carryer, or the patron, or both. And the use is in such Suites to give it him that pretends himself able to prove it. I have here inclosed sent your Lordship a Certificat under the Registers hande, how farr the Sentence went against Mr Carryer, by which it appears there was noe Articles concerning Simony charged upon him. Soe that I thinke the sooner this man is dispatched, that he may gett Institution and Induction before the Patron present, the better it will be for his Majestys Title. All which notwithstanding I humbly submitt to your Lordships Judgment, and rest

Your Lordships very lovinge poore Freind to serve you.

Guil: London:

Fulham house August 14. 1633

To the Right Honourable my very good Lord, the Lord Coventry, Lord Keeper of the Great Seale of England. these.

Big engineering attracts most attention, but the promise of resolving larger questions about industrialization lies in the smaller-scale. Pre-factory engineering, particularly in subcontracting, innovation-chasing, cash-limited, resource-constrained textile engineering, holds all the interest. Without it, how could industrialization have happened at all? Machines were fundamental to industrial change in the eighteenth century. What we call the industrial revolution is not to be understood without appreciating how they came to be imagined and built.

Yet historians have not confronted early textile engineering. As a research topic, it has not found its place. Various approaches have been tried: this is a ‘submerged sector’ with virtually no useable sources, so as an industry it is unknowable beyond the familiar great men and famous firms; or it is a matter of technology, a question in metal and wood, nuts, screws and bolts, a progression towards mechanical efficiency, in which those same great men represent human input; or it is a sideshow of the textile industry, whose energy fed it and led it; or it was essentially quite static, operating in almost the same way at the end of the transformative century as it had at the beginning. As lines of enquiry, none of these is sufficient.

It is the outcomes of textile engineering which draw us in; that is, its products and their global impact. But these outcomes are not a route into understanding the hows and the whys of early textile engineering. Failures, culs-de-sac and false dawns are as much part of the process of discovery, indications of just what it took to succeed. Still there is no well-worked history of the engineering industry in the northern English textile districts – no study fully focused on the machine and component manufacturers who fed the booming needs of textiles before 1840. Nothing adequately pictures, in any depth, colour and glory, the progression, the chronological development, the speed of adoption, of textile technology in places at the eye of the storm of industrialization. Nor is much known about the social context within which technology was generated. Yet the surrounding culture – social, local, industrial, technical – was everything; its readiness to face uncertainty and complexity the key to innovating.

Salutem in Christo.

After my harty Commendations etc.

I have not yet had tyme to consider of all the Answeres, which you made to the Articles in my Visitation, for which worke I must needs stay till my Vicar Generall his returne. But to one Passage of the Answere to the 15th Article, I fynde necessity to make a present Replye, by reason of a particular Answere given in by Mr Casaubon who is Treasurer of the Church for the time being. The particular is, concerning quarterly Payments to all such as eyther by Custome or Statute of the Church have been used soe to receyve it, and it seems the Church is come soe farr behinde hand (by whose default I know not, but certainly by some) that the Treasurer is not able to make these Payments; and if he were, yet that is nothing, for you doe but paye your selves when Rents or Fines come in, that waye to make your selves whole, but leave the Church still in the same state of Arreares, which certainly must not be. And that you may the better understand Mr Casaubons Answere, and see that I have not mistaken it, I here inclosed send you a Copye of it, and by himself.

The State of the Church being thus, these are to will and requyre you, that upon the comming in of the next Fynes, you fayle not to sett the Church right, and to paye all dues unto it, that the publike Officers thereof may be able to paye you, without bringing it into any new Debt, or suffering the old to continue any longer upon it. And you shall doe very well, when any extraordinary occasions fall upon the Church, which must be of necessity undergone, to take in such a yeare less Divident to your selves, untill some Publike Stocke may be raised, rather then put the Church into Debt, when such Accidents happen.

As distinctive as the eighth fascicle of Mo seems, with its superb illumination and Franconian notation, it is important to be aware that its musical repertory is stylistically consistent with that of the seventh fascicle. Two new styles of motets appear in both fascicles 7 and 8: the motets with Petronian semibreves and those with sine littera passages. Certain features of modal rhythm that occur in fascicle 8 also appear in motets of the seventh fascicles, and some of these features are even found in the so-called old corpus of the first, third, and fifth fascicles. It has been argued that the rhythms of late thirteenth-century motets as found in the seventh and eighth fascicles were breaking away from the mid-thirteenth-century modal system. In pointing out symptoms of modal decline, Friedrich Ludwig characterized melodies in the new style as ‘emancipating themselves from modal rhythm’, and he evoked ‘the breakdown of the old modal system’ in referring to the transition from modal to mensural notation. Heinrich Besseler identified modal decay with the theory of Franco of Cologne, the rhythmic stratification of polyphony, the increasing importance of the semibreve with the consequent slowing of note values, the use of more extensive hocketing, and the anticipation of the Ars nova imperfect mode in certain pieces prior to the fourteenth century. This scenario is still accepted today. Whether or not the rhythmic modes were in a state of decline is a matter of debate. Identifying some of the ways in which the rhythms of Mo 8 compare with rhythmic practice in the other fascicles and how these features are explained in theoretical treatises of the late thirteenth and, possibly, fourteenth centuries will help provide a basis for evaluating the position of Mo 8 in an era of stylistic change.

HOCKETING AND RESECATIO

HOCKETING, the quick and unusual alternation of tones and rests, is a technique that is found as early as the late twelfth and early thirteenth centuries, in the polyphony attributed to Pérotin. Rapid hocketing was rare at that time, but it can be regarded as one of various types of interruptions of the normal rhythmic motion of Notre-Dame polyphony. Theorists classified this motion at its most conventional into six rhythmic modes, one aspect of which consisted of patterns of durations (illustrated in Table 10.1).

Salutem in Christo.

My very good Lord.

I am very glad to heare, that the Papers which Sir Henry Martin drew Concerning the Apportioning of Intestates Goodes, came safe to your hands. And I thinke, it wilbe good Service to have it Recorded there; But for whatsoever is Personall, leave it out as it please your selfe. Yet let me tell you, the old man Sir Henry was so full of indignation at the Manner of usage exprest in your Lordships Letters to mee that he had written this Paper very sharply; and soe you would have seene, had not I gone it over, and dash’d those Passages out, which must needes have beene offensive. And if you being neerer the Busynes think fitt to leave out any more, doe it on Gods Name.

I have receaved from you the Copie of the Agreement betweene my [Lord] of Cork and the Bishop of Waterford. ‘Tis a Treaty I thinke very happily ended to the greate advancement of that Sea. And I purpose (God willing) in the next returne of my Letters to my Lord Deputy to give him thankes amongst many other things for this Particular. And you may be sure, that wheresoever any assistance of myne shall be thought usefull, it shalbe most ready upon the least Call for it.

Concerning the Arch-Bishoprick of Dublyn I thanke you for the Paper, which you call your first fruites. And if you goe on in that way, when you come to Greater Tenants, it must needes make a very faire Improvement to that Sea also. The Church there never knew such a tyme; and therefore I pray, make your Hay apace while the Sunne shines.

If your Lordship come over at Michaelmas, ‘tis a blustring tyme of the yeare, and God preserve you at sea. But if we get you safe on land, we shall by Gods Grace keepe you safe enough from any Rocks of the Star-Chamber. And I shall be heartily glad to see you, that I may give you thank[s for] all your Care and Paynes aboute that Church, and for your particular kinde[nes] and respects to mee.

A coppie.

Worthy Sir,

At your beeing in England you made Vossius much bound to you by proposing wayes for his good. Since that Parliament busines hath filled all our thoughts. But that for this Session being ended, my Lord Duke hath beene verie noble in his remembrance of him: and hath gotten of the King the next Advouson of a prebend in Canterburie for him. I have it in my hands under seale for him: and there i thinke it is best it should remaine, that it may be readie when a place falleth next voyde. Yet if Vossius thinke otherwise, i shall send it him, though sure that wil not be safe.7

My Lord hath likewise taken care by me to provide for that sonne of his which you mentioned to be made a fellow of one of the best Colledges for proffit, in Cambridge. Soe hee may send his sonne when it shall seeme best to himselfe. Onely this i thinke you should advertise him. He cannot be made fellow the first yeare. Soe that wil be wholly at Vossius his charge. And for his Entrance he must fitt him with bedding and other necessaries. And after he is fellow some allowance must be made him from his father above the Colledge. But if the sonne be careful and thriftie, the fathers charge wil not be much.

I pray deliver these inclosed to Vossius with such expression of my service as you thinke fitt. But let hime know that i hope all is not yet done. And which i had almost forgotten to write, i pray lett hime know from me that he is beholding to my Lord [Viscount] Dorchester your uncle for manie good words bestowed on hime to the King att the tyme of this graunt, and in my presence. I pray pardon my troublesome boldnesse, and I shall rest

and was subscribed

Your loving friend

Guil: London:

August. 5. 1628.

The superscription was

To the Right Worshipfull my verie much honored friend Mr Dudley Carleton Agent for his Maiestie att the Haghe these.