[Missing by 1891. The letter is described as Archbishop Laud to Bishop Morton ‘in favour of Mr Sidserfe appointed lecturer at Berwick Lambeth March 7th 1639’.]

On a very superficial level the Mediterranean region during the first half of the sixteenth century could be described as comprising two opposing parts: to the north and west, Christian Europe; to the east and south, Muslim Africa–Asia. However, the Mediterranean cannot be defined in this over-simplified way. In the West, the Moriscos in Spain were a unique cultural community and managed to conduct their business activities despite being severely persecuted. As Braudel notes, ‘how could a hard-working people avoid becoming rich in a country flooded with precious metals and populated by an abundance of hidalgos for whom any work was dishonourable?’

Elsewhere, Jews and Arab-Muslims, uprooted and expelled from their native land by the Spanish rulers, established themselves in North Africa and engaged in corsairing activities against the Spanish coasts and shipping. In the Eastern Mediterranean there were Christian communities composed of Genoese colonies in Chios, Lesbos, Phokaea and Pera, and Venetian colonies in Cyprus, Crete and other neighbouring islands. These competed with Greeks, Copts, Armenians, Jews and other non-Muslim subjects of the Ottoman sultan in trade and commerce. As Molly Greene states, ‘from the time of the Fourth Crusade in 1204 onward, the eastern Mediterranean was the point of intersection for not two, but three, enduring civilizations – namely, Latin Christianity, Eastern Orthodoxy, and Islam’.

The Ottoman central government in Istanbul was supposed to hold a balancing control over its vast territories. However, this proved too difficult to accomplish, especially for far-away domains. As Suraiya Faroqhi explains, ‘when we look more closely at day-to-day events in the borderlands it soon becomes clear that central regulation was only part of the story’. The Barbary Regencies had more autonomy than other provinces of the Ottoman empire and during the sixteenth century Ottoman authority was delegated to provincial pashas who were, in Peter Earle's words, ‘often the conquerors themselves, ambitious and powerful men, not likely to trouble themselves too much about the wishes of a superior so many miles away at the other end of the Mediterranean’.

By the middle of the sixteenth century European officials and merchants enjoyed good relations with the Ottoman administration and were even allowed to travel to and live in the capital or provincial trading centres.

The first machines

Through centuries when textiles were produced in domestic workshops, machinery was widely used and accepted. Much of this apparatus was simple, even crude, in construction, and wood was its chief material. Heavy mechanisms of the public mill – fulling stocks, water-wheels and transmission gear – inhabited another realm, defined as the province of millwrights. Handlooms, spinning wheels, carding engines and other domestic machines were basic devices, hand-powered, produced even into the twentieth century. Frames and certain of the components were made of wood, while moving parts, gears and fittings were generally metallic, usually of iron. Little is documented about who made them, and how.

Oak, beech or ash, though rarely soft wood, were recorded in handlooms in southern English and Midland textile districts. Screws, nuts and bolts might be made of elm or iron, with shuttles and spools carved from solid timber. The tools most commonly used were the lathe and the graver's knife. Tradesmen engaged on this work included turners and wheelwrights (for spinning wheels), carpenters, joiners and locksmiths; and a less clear term, ‘framesmith’, a worker in metal, ‘manufacturer of weaving frames’, apparently associated with the complicated business of building knitting frames. This branch of engineering was sufficiently organized to generate a small yet significant export market during the seventeenth century. More traditional pieces were made by carpenters, turners in wood. Mentioned in the sixteenth century were a ‘turnour or maker of loomes’ in London, and in Canterbury weavers using a ‘turner for framyng of ther lomes’. Weavers, or their masters, might commission or assemble their own loom. It is hard to know how specialized the machine-makers of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries might have been, even in centres of cloth-making.

Evidence of users building their own machinery, in whole or part, is sketchy. The will of a Darlington weaver in 1597 mentioned ‘my own linen loom which I wrought myself’.

Sir:

I thanke your love for your Care both of your Colledge and mye selfe. I Continue verye weake in mye legg still, yett full of more busynes then I can attend. I find bye Mr Gotheridge Mr Harrington hath bestowed liberallye upon me, and more then was ever given me that I knowe of, or I hope ever deserved. But Sir since that bye the Wensdaye Carryer he hath sent me a most submissive Leter, and soe full of discretion as that I cannot beleeve it to be his owne doinge. In that, he acknowledges some words slipped from hime in passion and discontent (but Names them not) and offers to give me anye satisfaction I shall aske. He offers in thiss Leter to paye the Monye, to undergoe the punnishment which you and the fellowes thought good to inflict upon hime; and upon more advised thoughts to subscribe to the acknowledgment which you desyre of hime. Onlye He desyers to be spared in that against which he hath taken his Oath in Chauncerye.

I praye thearfore Convent hime againe. Tell hime What I have written heare as from his late Leters which I have receaved. Take his Monye or securitye for it. Lett hime subscribe to the acknowledgment. And submitt himselfe fairlye to you and the fellowes with promise of Amendment. And take notice of such particulars as he saith he hath sworne to in Chauncerye: Then send to me, and if it shall appeare he hath farlye sworne them, I will give soe much to his Oath (notwithstandinge his Carridge towards me) as to take them into farther Consideration before they be pressed upon hime.

Onlye saye nothinge to hime about his Submission to me, but send me, the words he spake, the place and tyme, and under the hands of such as will wittness them. Then, thoughe perhaps then I shall skorne them, yett then I doubt not but I shall worke your peace, and his good out of them. Mye Credit I hope is not soe lowe that such a Mouth can staine it. Though I must tell you they which gave instance in me when they sawe hime in that heat, did not the wisest act they ever did to putt mye Name to hime. Soe in great hast I leave you to the Grace of God and rest.

Salutem in Christo

Worthy Sir

I wrote my Letters not longe since to you by his Majesties Command, to desire you that nothing might be done in Muryatrods Pardon, till his Majesty were further satisfyed. Since that tyme the Party hath been with me, and the Fine is payd according to his Majesties express pleasure, though with some abatement. These are therefore to desire you that noe longer staye may be made of his Pardon, but that you will proceed with as much convenient hast, as your other manyfold Busynesses will give you leave, that soe the Man may returne to his Country, and learne his Children to behave themselves more peaceably hereafter: And for doinge hereof you shall need noe other Warrant. Soe I leave you to Gods grace and rest.

Your very lovinge Freind

W: Cant:

Lambeth. December 3. 1634.

To my much Honoured Freind Sir John Bankes Knight, his Majesties Atturney Generall at Greys Inn these

Salutem in Christo

My very good Lord.

Upon the receipt of your last Letters of February 11th I shew’d your Old new Prophesy to the King; And every body that sees itt, is of your Opinion, that neither Stile, nor Verse agree with the tymes of Edward the first; but ‘tis certaynly made and spred, as divers other Pamphlets are, to Dis-service the King, and worke upon the hearts and affections of his People. If you can finde anie Author of it, you will doe a Good Service.

The Seditious Pamphlets you mention, are spred every where. But especially of late, there is one far more Cunning then the rest. It beares date February 4 1639. It railes not, as most of the rest doe, but goes on in a slye way to lulle us asleepe, while They Arme; And to perswade the Subject, that they have noe Intention to Invade, or Annoy England. These have beene spred att London, New-Castle, and almost every where, and I doubt amongst you also. It would be very Good Service, if you could light uppon either Authour, or Spredder. And if any Scotch-man come so neere you as Chester, and give just Occasion of Suspition, why you should not Examine him, and upon Examination doe as you finde, I know not.

This is all your Letter. And for that which your Sonne told mee, about your Serving of the King by Horse, or by Money, I can say noe more then I advised your sonne to write presently backe to you.

I am now in some hope to gett your Parsonage of Wiggin, annex't to the Crowne for ever. And you must be very silent in itt, till I see, what may be done. In the meane tyme, with as much speede as you can, I pray deale clearely and freely with mee, what it is worth at the utmost per Annum upon a Medium of 7 yeares. And withall, att how many yeares purchase, the perpetuall Inheritance of a Rectory is usually sold in those parts. My Lord ‘Tis too long to expresse by Letters what way I am to goe. But I pray faile not to doe this for mee, as exactly as you Can.

Sir:

I have received your letters of Januarie the first: and they were soe full of kindness that I thinke you intended them for a Newe-years guifte. I thanke you hartely for them and your love and had intended to send you this letter of thanks for your often and lovinge Remembrances of mee, though I had had noe other occasion. But yesterday Januarie xiith Mr Staple came to mee, and brought mee a letter from you, which requiers more tyme to answeare; and finds mee (as I am for the most parte) with more business then tyme lefte to doe it in. Notwithstandinge I will God willinge dismiss him towards you by the end of this week that is comminge in, with your business as well settl’d as I cann. Yet I thought good to hould my former Resolution and send you these letters before, that you may knowe that though the Weather and the Wayes be daungerous; yet Mr Staple and your letters are safe come to mee.

I hartely wishe to your selfe and your Ladie (to whom I praye lett me be rememberd) a very happie newe yeare, of this which is begunn and many like it. And I hope nowe many of your carefull businesses are settld, the rest of your life will be succesfull. Soe wishinge you all happiness I leave you to the grace of God, and shall ever rest

Your very lovinge Frend

Guil: Batho: et Welle:

Westminster. January. 13. 1626.

I have sent a Bill of the Lent Services.

To the Right worshipfull my very worthie Frend Sir John Scudamore Knight and Baronett att Holme Lacy in Hereford Sheire bee these delivered.

[f.1]

The counte boke of the Hye Crosse wardenys of Stratton anno domini m ccccc xij [1512]

[f.1v] This book was begun in the 3rd year of the reign of king Henry the 8th AD 1512, and was ended in the 20th year of the reign of queen Elizabeth AD 1577

f.2 [The counte of the Hye Crosstor crossed out]

The counte of the Hye Crosstore beyng wardenys Nycholas Hortop & John Payne, anno regni regis Henricij octam tercio anno domini m ccccc xij [1512]

Recetes

Memorandum recevid of John Regyll & John Hore iijd

Item received for Symon Pole to be set a pone ye Hye Crosstor iijs iiijd

Item received of John Bond & John Coke, Sextyn men xxd

Item received of John Getyn for his wyfe ys dafter to be put a pone ye Hye Crosstor iijs iiijd

Item received of John Payne for olde tymber of the churchys vjd

Item received of Walter Gyste for hys wyfys pytt5 iijs iiijd

Item received of Walter Langforth for a knyll iiijd

Item received of Wylliam Gyste junior for a knyll iiijd

Item received of John Wylle for a knyll iiijd

Item received of Thomas Marys for the brack sute xvjd

Item received of Thomas Heyward & Rychard Lobbys for the black sute xijd

Item received for the Hye Crosse ale yn owr tyme xxxs iijd

Summa xlvjs

Expenses

Item for expenses at the visytacion at Lanceston xiiijd

Item payd to John Wolfe for vij pownde of wex a genes Ester iiijs viijd

Item paid payd for makyng of the same wex to Wylliam Gyste iiijd

Item paid to Master Vycar vs

Item for gress for the bellys vjd ob

Item for a belrope viijd

Item payde for yerd of bokeram to make iij new stolys vijd

Item paid to Wylliam Jule for a stape to the stypyll dore iijd

Item paid to Moris Taylour for makyng of iij new stoles mete & drynk & hyre iiijd

Item paid payde for therd jd

Item paid for blessing of v awter clothys [and iij new stolys crossed out] xxiijd

Item paid for bred & drynk to ye ryngers to renge a gens my lord bosshopp ijd

Item paid for a gallon of wyne to geve my lord boshopp ixd

Item paid for iiij new gerdelys ijd

[Item paid illeg. word crossed out]

Salutem in Christo.

Honoured Sir.

I have been a little crazy, and have taken physick, and doe therfore pray you to excuse me, both this morninge at the Irish Committye, and in the afternoone at Counsell. I have lykewise here sent you backe the Copye of the Letter concerninge Oxford, with very little alteration. I hartily pray you to gett his Majestys Hande to it, that I may have it to send away on Friday, else it will come to late. Soe I leave you to the Grace of God, and rest

Your Honours lovinge poore Freind to serve you.

Guil: London:

London house April 11 1632

To the right Honourable my very worthy Freind, Sir John Cooke, Principall Secretarye of State. these.

Salutem in Christo.

My very good Lord.

I understand there is within the Parish of Whaley a Schoole founded at Clitheroe by Queen Mary, the revenues whereof are much impayred through the defaultes of the Governours. And because in generall the care of all Schooles, but most especially of this concerneth me, I desire to be throughly informed by your Lordship of the true state thereof, and that if the Schoole be at this present voyde of a Master or Usher, I doe hereby pray your Lordship not to admitt of any to eyther of those Places, untill I be made acquainted with the true State of that Schoole. Soe not doubting of your love herein I leave you to Gods grace and rest

Your Lordships very lovinge Freind and Brother.

W: Cant:

Croydon. August. 19. 1635.

To the Right Reverend Father in God my very good Lord and Brother the Lord Bishop of Chester. these

Mye verye good Lord:

Your Lordships of November 22 Came to mye hands the 28th of the same, as I was newlye risen from dinner. Thear was then a great of deale of good Newes told me from Scotland; Namlye that mye Lord Argile and two other Lords with hime wear Come to the Assemblye and declared openlye for the Kinges Covenant, and against all that had, or should oppose it. But when I read your Leter, and found nothinge of that good in it, that which I could not beleeve before, nowe vanished quyte.

To your Graces short Leters I can saye but thiss, His Maiestye hath receaved your Leters, and Commands me to tell you, he will omitt no Care, and you shall heare from himselfe soe soone as your next packett Comes and brings hime some particulars.

For your Assemblye, I see and am sorye for it, ‘tis such as I ever sawe it would be. But the sequell of it your Lordship must prevent and proved for as much as maye be. Have you not gott some provisions into the Castle att Edenborough while the Cheef Covenanters ar at Glascowe? I have bine readye to beat mye selfe that I did not aske you thiss question a fortnight since.

Well mye Lord if I thought you had anye leisure from that great busynes, I would desyer you to tell me, what Sir Edward Powells practise is in Court against me. I have but One wittnes against hime, but he offers to take it upon his Oath, that Sir Edward told hime he hoped he had a stronger partye in Court then I had, and was bold to name your Lordship, as upon whome he did relye. Good mye Lord doe not thinke I would wright thuss to you if I beleeved it. And I beseech you lett it not troble you (for me it doth not) but if it please God to give us leave to meet, I will shewe you the finest paper one of them that ever you sawe. In the mean tyme I am and shall Continue to shewe mye selfe

your Graces most faythfull frend and humble servant

W: Cant:

Lambeth. November 28: 1638:

Mr Atturney

Wheras his late Majesty King James did grant to Thomas Cleyton doctor in phisick the place of Phisick professour in the University of Oxford: and by the same Letters patents did allso grant the same Phisick Lecteur to Bartholomew Warner doctor in Phisick, in Reversion of the said doctor Cleyton, which said doctor Warner is long since dead: his now Majesty is graciously pleased to grant to John Speed doctor in phisick, the said place of Phisick Lecturer in the said University for his life, in reversion of the said doctor Cleyton, with the like annuall fee, and other rights and profitts as the said Doctor Cleyton or any others held in that place: for which you are to prepare a Bill accordingly, fit for his Majesties Signature, and this shalbe your warrant.

W: Cant:

November 2. 1639

Salutem in Christo.

Sir,

I have receaved your Letter signd by your selfe and five of the Fellowes. And in itt a Forme of an Acknowledgement, which you say Mr Webberley refus’d to use. I thinke in my former Letters I requir’d his Acknowledgement should be Conceptis verbis. And that Forme which you have Conceavd is Just and Fayre. I believe hee stickes at these words [Malitious and Slaunderous Aspersions] but surely they were no lesse; And appeard manifestly so in Proofe. Hee [sic] wrong done unto you hee doth confesse, and did acknowledge before the Fellowes; And if you will rest satisfyed with that, I will also, in hope of his better Carriage for the future. But if you will hold him strictly to the Forme, which you tender’d, in regard of his Disobedience, I will do so alsoe; and suspend him from all Profitts of the House, till hee submitt. Thus farre I am very willing to goe for the upholdeing of Governement. But my Advice to you in private shall bee this: That if hee will give a fayre Promise for the future, you should admitt of the Acknowledgement allready made; And see how farre that Goodnesse of yours will worke uppon him. Soe to Gods blessed Protection I leave you and rest

your very Loveing Friend

W. Cant.

Lambeth August 2. 1639.

Salutem in Christo.

My very good Lord

These letters Containe noe other Businesse but what your lordship sees, and their occasion is this. The Cause depending in the Court of Delegates being de modo Decimandi, A motion was lately made in the Kings Benche for a Prohibition, which Comeing to my hearing I presently spake with my lord Cheefe Justice and stopped it untill I might heare from your lordship wherupon he desired that the proceedings in the Delegates might likewise be stayed, which is done. Now I shall hartily praye your lordship to peruse these papers, and to speake with my lord Primate, or any els your lordship shall thinke fitting, about the same, And that therupon I may receive from you a true Accompt of the Businesse, which done I shall not faile to speake further with His Majestie if there be Cause or my lord Cheefe Justice, and doe the Church such Service as I Can. Soe wishing your lordship all health and happynesse, I leave you to Gods blessed protection, and rest

your lordships very loveing poore freind to serve you

W: Cant:

Lambeth. May 13. 1637.

This appendix includes all known editions of Italian Latin humanist works printed in the Crown of Aragon between 1473 and 1535.

Texts are divided by genre. Authors are arranged in alphabetical order. Bibliographical information has been kept to a minimum and we merely give details of printer, and year and place of publication.

Grammar and Rhetoric

Agostino Dati, Elegantiolae, Valencia, Lambertus Palmart, 1473 and Nicolaus Spindeler, 1498; Lleida, Henricus Botel, 1485 and 1488; Zaragoza, Johannes Hurus, 1481 and 1488

Stefano Fieschi, Synonyma variationum sententiarum eleganti stilo constructa ex Italico sermone in Valentinum, Valencia, Cristofferus Koffman, 1502

Francesco Negro, De modo epistolandi, Barcelona, Johannes Rosembach, 1493, 1494 and 1495; Valencia, Nicolaus Spindeler, 1500

Niccolò Perotti, Rudimenta grammatices, Barcelona, Johannes de Salzburga, 1475; Tortosa, Nicolaus Spindeler, 1477

Giovanni Sulpizio, Examen grammaticale, Zaragoza, Paulus Hurus, 1481

—— De arte grammatica, Barcelona, Pere Miquel, 1491

Poetry

Publio Fausto Andrelini, Disticha, Zaragoza, Jorge Coci, 1535 (an appendix to an edition of Verinus, see below)

Mantuan, Parthenice Mariana … cum Andreae Vaurentini singulorum librorum descriptionibus, Barcelona, Duran Salvanyac, 1525 and Carles Amorós, 1526

—— Parthenice secunda quae et Catharinaria inscribitur additis Vaurentini argumentis et annotationibus ab Ascensio familiariter exposita, Barcelona, Carles Amorós, c. 1529

Peter Martyr, Poemata, Valencia, Ioannes Vignaus, 1520

Giovanni Pontano, De divinis laudibus, Barcelona, Johannes Luschner, 1498.

Michele verino, michaelis verini disticha sive sententiae morales … with giovanni sulpizio, de moribus puerorum carmen iuvenile …

Salutem in Christo

After my hearty commendations etc.

You cannot but know with how much care I have labored the prosperitie of your colledge, both by helping to free you from a bad Governor and to procure for you a new foundation. And as occasion serves, I shall god willing not faile to put my hand to the further good of that Societie and your selves. And I do expect from you again a mutuall performance of your duties. First, to god and the king, especially in the orderlie execution of divine service according to the Canons, and the use of other Collegiate and Cathedrall churches, and next to the Colledge for the advancement of the credit and profit thereof. And to the end that all things may proceede orderly in that your colledge, I do hereby pray you to be very carefull of the choice of your fellowes as any place or places shall become void. For I shall take it verie ill from you if I find at any time any factious or disorderly, or unconformable man brought into the Societie; And because the Lord Bishop of Chester my very good Lord and brother, and your neighbor and carefull visitor, and one that hath been a great furtherer of your weale hath a son well qualified for your societie; being as I am informed a Master of Artes, a good preacher of a fair conversation, and one that hath a Jurisdiction already in that place, for the better correction of Schisme, and other Ecclesiastical Enormities: And being a neighbor and of competent abilitie, wilbe the better able to keep residence according to your statutes. I do therefore pray you when any place shall become void to make choice of him to be the next fellow of your Colledge which I shall take very kindly from you, and make no doubt but you wilbe readie to gratifie my Lord of Chester in a request more beneficiall to your selves, then it can be to him. So I leave you to the grace of god and rest

Your loving freind

W: Cant:

Lambeth June 22: 1637.