Salutem in Christo.

After my Hearty Commendations etc.

Uppon Thursday the 18th of this præsent July I heard the Cause of your College as it was brought to mee by Mr Webberley. The Articles putt up against the Rector were very foule, and such as would have deserved a very severe Punishment, had they bin prooved against him. But they all fell away from want of Proofe: Saveing that the Rector did some thinges (into which hee was led by the Continued Practise of his Prædecessours) which were not Statutable nor Convenient. But there was neither Corruption, nor other willfull Crime proovd against him. By which meanes Mr Webberley stood before mee both in regard of the want of his owne Proofe, and of the Proofe made against him, like a very malicious man, and a great slaunderer of his Governour, to whom hee ought ﹛to owe﹜ Obedience. And were it not, that I am only Visitour of your College at this præsent by Accident, and so unwilling to bee found too severe, I should make Mr Webberley an Example of factious disobedience, and disturbance of the Governement and Society wherein hee lives. But now I shall content my selfe with this, That hee acknowledge before the Fellowes that hee hath done the Rector wrong; And that hee is sorry for this his Offence: And shall loose his Commons in the Colledge for two Moneths. Unlesse the Rector bee pleasd to remitt this unto him in hope of Amendment. And for such things as are amisse in the College by the Prevalence of Custome against Statute, I shall take a tyme to rectifye them, so soone as I can gett any Leysure. In the meane tyme, I leave you all to Gods Blessed Protection, and rest,

Your very Loveing Friend and Visitor.

W. Cant.

Lambeth. July 26th. 1639.

Salutem in Christo.

My very Good Lord.

I have beene so full of Busynes this Terme, that I cannot well tell whether I have answer’d your Letters of the 6 October or noe. If I have not, These may assure you, that Mr Griffith is to you, as he seemes, that is, a very loveing, and true-hearted friend. And for Sir Thomas Canon, though in your former troubles he was perhaps sower enough, yet since they were ended, he hath neyther done, nor sayd any thing to my knowledge, that may prejudice you. Besides, when this base Report was first whisper’d, Sir Thomas Canon was gone a good while before into Wales, and there is yet. And for my owne part, I cryed shame upon it from the beginning, and doe most heartily pray you to believe what I have formerly written unto you, concerning my good opinion of your selfe in all things, and of your faithfull endeavours in this Particular of Dr Morton’s.

Upon your Letters I tooke present order for Dr Morton's Dispensation; and caused my Secretary to send it to your sonne. So I hope ‘tis safe come to his hands. And for Croston, I doe, as I have ever done, leave it wholly to you; And am cleere of your Opinion, that an Exchange, after Dr Morton is possest of the other, is every way better then a Composition now in the voydance.

My Lord I have receaved a Letter from Mr Griffith, and know not how to send him Answer. But I thinke it will not be long before he returne, and I believe he will make it by you. When hee comes, I pray, let him know, that the Letter which I sent to Sir Robert Huddleston, is not come back to my hands. Wherein Dr Morton is too carelesse of himselfe. And I verily thought, he had lyved in those Parts. But I am now left to inquire where he lives, that I may send to him. And I pray tell Mr Griffith farther, that I was by the Kings Appoyntment busy with my Lord the Earle of Anandell just at the tyme, when Mr Bulkley brought me his Letters; And so saw not the Gentleman, which I am heartily sorry for.

This chapter looks at the contribution of Eugenius III to the evolution of the crusade protection privilege and the practical significance of his protection to comital crusaders in Flanders and Champagne. It employs charter evidence and narrative sources for the comital crusade regencies from c.1145 to 1177, the period in which the crusade-specific protection was dominated by Eugenius’ influence. The discussion focuses primarily on the two regencies of Sibylla of Flanders to investigate, in the first instance, her experience and her suitability for the role, to explore the continued distinctions between pilgrim and crusader, and also to examine the role of the papacy in defending the crusaders’ wives and possessions. The first part concentrates on Flanders because Count Thibaut of Champagne did not take the cross but played an important role in protecting the interests of his crusading vassals. It then goes on to consider the two regencies of Philip of Flanders, Thierry and Sibylla's second son, to evaluate how he fitted the pattern of regency and to analyse the main events under his rule. The chapter concludes by examining Philip of Flanders’ and Henry I of Champagne's preparations for their crusades.

Charter evidence forms the basis for the discussion because this material provides insight into the crusade regents’ political acts. Clanchy described charters as ‘a kind of open testimonial’. The point of these documents was to secure grants of property and ensure their permanence. They were often ratified with public and visual ceremony, designed to ensure that all the participants knew what they were putting their names to. The witness lists were designed to guarantee the viability and validity of the act, so the witnesses needed to know what they had witnessed in the event of a challenge to its authenticity. It follows that the donors and witnesses would also be aware of events dealt with by these charters. Seals, the use of which increased during this period, were another way to ratify these documents. We have already seen that seals were a vital visual means of communicating power. The attachment of a seal was designed to prevent forgery, to prove the legitimacy of the act, and to ensure its permanence regardless of whether those involved were literate. In contrast to Adela of Blois, impressions of Sibylla of Flanders’ seal have actually survived which makes the dating and attribution of her documents easier.

The influence of classical Latin literature can be seen in the works of five major Catalan medieval authors. In previous chapters we have provided the historical context; in this chapter we highlight just some of the aspects that demonstrate the capacity of medieval authors to create a new literature in the vernacular from their knowledge of classical texts.

Bernat Metge: Taking Petrarch's Secretum as a Model

Bernat Metge, John I's secretary, wrote his most mature work after serving as ambassador to the papal curia in Avignon from early February to early April 1395. King John sent letters of recommendation for his ambassadors to Benedict XIII, to several cardinals, and to Juan Fernández de Heredia (Riquer 1959: *227–8). It was during Metge's sojourn in Avignon that he must have had the opportunity to access works by Cicero and above all Petrarch, such as the Epistulae familiares (Letters on Familiar Matters) and the Secretum (The Secret). Shortly after his return, he wrote an Apologia (Apology), of which only the very beginning survives, truncated mid-sentence, in a fifteenth-century manuscript. This fragment contains the preface and the first exchanges of a conversation between Bernat and his friend Ramon, in the style of the Ciceronian dialogues that were such an influence on Petrarch's Secretum and De remediis utriusque fortunae (Remedies for Fortune Fair and Foul), without verba dicendi. Metge explains in the preface, addressing the book:

In the previous paragraph, Metge takes inspiration from the introduction of the Secretum to define his work: in writing ‘so that I should not forget them [i.e. the matters that Bernat and Ramon discussed] […] I have decided to commit to thee, my little book which I want to name Apology’, he is adapting ‘So that such an intimate conversation as this might not be lost, I decided to set it down in writing […] So you, little book […] do not forget your own name. For I shall call you My Secret.

On 27 December 1554 the Mdina municipal council held a general assembly to express its concerns, ‘because in the island we have a great shortage of grain’. Similarly, only five months later, in May 1555 the assembly once again gathered due to the bad harvest which the island was registering. Such references are a recurring feature in the municipal council's meeting minutes; hunger did not augur well for the stability and prosperity of any government. An important factor affecting the import and distribution of grain was the great influx of new arrivals in 1530. An increase in population was the most striking effect of the arrival of the Knights Hospitaller on the island, felt mostly in the port town of Birgu and eventually affecting the whole island.

Lack of reliable documentation means that historians have been able only to speculate on possible population figures. Various official reports, most of which were prepared with a view of acquiring much-needed duty-free grain quotas, need to be treated with caution since they may have reported higher populations in order to achieve the quotas. A report drawn up by the Order's Commissioners in 1524 mentions 12,000 inhabitants on the island of Malta and around 5,000 on Gozo. Although exact numbers for Malta before the arrival of the Order are not known, various sources point to a figure of 20,000. In 1535 the envoys of the Mdina Universita who were sent to Sicily to negotiate wheat quotas informed the Viceroy that the islands had a population of 28,500, while another report drawn up in 1545 by the same Universita informs us that with the arrival of the Knights the population had escalated to 30,000 in 1530.

While this remark may represent an inflated figure, it needs to be evaluated in the light of the Mdina Universita's perception that the large influx of population had drastically affected local grain supplies. However, the report noted further that by the time of writing the number had dwindled to 22,000, due to the fact that many people had fled from the island when faced with a serious food shortage. Was this decrease a cause of worry for the Sicilian authorities?

Salutem in Christo

Honoured Sir.

I have receaved your Letters of May 2./12. and am very Glad to reade in them, That the Queene, the Prince Elector, yourselfe, and every body els whom it concernes, rest well satisfyed with Dr Johnson; And that it was att the worst, but a Mis understanding. And God forbid, but I should be satisfyed, when every body els is. Yett this I’ll say to you, since that place is soe full of hazard, and especially to Moderate men, as that a man living there, must bee every way militant, I must needes say Dr Johnson stood not enough upon his Guarde. I hope he will make this a Warning. For if he doe not, he will forfeit his Discretion first, and loose himselfe after.

My last Letters to you went I confesse upon another straine. But they went away out of my hands, before these your last came to mee. At which tyme I had not receaved soe much, as an Offer of satisfaction from the Doctor himselfe. But now I have receaved not only your Lettres but others also from the Queen and Prince Elector, and from the Doctor himselfe; all very satisfactory, saving that I finde by the Doctor he hath been too full of words among suspicious men. And you know what is never wanting in multiloquio.

I must trouble you agen with these Inclosed; which I pray send as soone, and as safe as you Can to Mr Le Maire. So to Gods blessed protection I leave you and rest

Your very Loving friend to serve you

W: Cant:

Lambeth: May: 29th. 1639.

After I had written these I receaved another Letter from you Concerning some Socinians in those parts. And with itt a Copie of a Letter sent from Sartorius which speakes of a great harvest that he hopes for in those parts. I pray God his Hopes may bee deceaved. And with this Letter, I have likewise receaved a Translated Copie of certaine Marginall Notes upon itt. For all which as I thanke you heartily so have I acquainted the Lords with your Care and paynes to helpe suppresse the spredding of that fowle Haeresye in these Adjoyning parts. And theire Lordships have desired mee to give you thankes for this Care of yours; which they hope you will Continue, and I pray doe soe.

Sir:

I am very gladd to heare of your health, and noe less that you have your desiers, that you may be present to see the experience and course of a Parliament; which God bless with peace and success, to the honour of the Kinge, and the good of this Church and Kingdome, to which I doubt not, but you will reddilye putt your best indeavours. I shalbe gladd of any occasion to see you, though I doubt att this tyme the businesses will so hamper both you and mee, that there wilbe but little tyme of free meetinge, though I see you often. I hope when you come and before too, you will remember that the Springe drawes on, and what a sicke beginninge you had of the last Parliament. The weather is nowe as cold att least, and therefore I hope you will take care, to fence your selfe better against it. I thanke your Brother hee came very kindly to mee that very daye hee came to Towne, and by them that went backe with the horses, you should have received this answeare, but that I had not then leasure to write, and have not much nowe. I praye remember my service to your Ladye. Soe I leave you and yours to the grace of God and shall ever rest

Your very lovinge Frend

Guil: Meneve:

Durham Howse. January. 24. 1623.

To the right worshipfull my very worthy Frend Sir John Scudamore Knight Baronett att Holme lacy in Hereford-Sheire bee these delivered.

FASCICLE 8 of Mo opens with a tall narrow historiated initial D for the versicle Deus in adiutorium intende, depicting a group of five clerics crowding into the confined space and singing from a book held open on a folding lectern (Figure 3.1a). The clerics are tonsured and wear red or pink copes over white albs, pinned with huge morses. A sense of liveliness is created by the two feet that cross the initial bar on the left and right, and the clawed leg of the lectern that passes behind the initial bar to rest on the blue outer background, as well as the broad sweep of the clerics’ robes – with some ambiguity about the figures, as to which face on the right of the group goes with which chasuble: who is in red and who is in pink, and whose are the hands that hold open the book? The pink letter D, its bars decorated with acanthus and interlace motifs outlined in white, ends in spiral-shaped clusters of vine-leaf motifs painted red and blue on a cusped gold ground, and is set within a rectangle of blue with white fern-like rinceaux bordered by a gold fillet. The inner background of the initial is plain burnished gold and the clerics are massed beneath a triple cusped arch outlined in white and pink with pierced tracery. The border continues as a rectilinear frame around noted staff lines and text, with ivy and vines on cusped gold grounds on corners and middle. A goldfinch and coal tit (?), affronted, perch on sprays on the middle right border, and a delicately modelled greyhound chases a finely painted hare on the bottom border (Figure 3.2).

The opening words are a trope on Psalm 69, Deus in adiutorium meum intende (‘O God, come to my assistance’), co-opted from the liturgy, where they begin most of the hours in monastic breviaries and books of hours for layfolk. The choice of singing clerics for this supplication, however, would not be found in the context of these liturgical and devotional books, where the subjects chosen to accompany these words are events from the Life of Christ.

Salutem in Christo.

My very good Lord.

I thanke you heartily for the List of the Judges in Ireland. Now as occasion serves, I shall be able to put their Names, and theire Places together, and so understand, who they are that doe either good, or bad Offices, though perhaps I shalbe little able to helpe, when I know.

‘Tis greate pitty, the Ring-leaders of your Non-Conformists fell short of New England; but ‘twas an ill hap, that they diverted to Scotland: Fo[r] as I guess by your Letters, no tempest but theire owne, drawe them in thither and (God knowes) they have too many there already. So that I heartily wish, they were as able, and had as good meanes to purge out these humours, as (God be thanked) you in Ireland have.

Your Lordship did very well to refer the Question (at the Committee of Fees) concerning the apportioning of Goods, by the Ecclesiasticall Judge to my Lord Deputy: but in the meane tyme I have confer’d with Sir Henry Martin about this Busines to the same purpose, which you writ last. And here I send you a Copie of that which he set downe with his owne hand, and which I thinke, wilbe worth your sight. So that now my Lord Deputy may have this by him against the Committee comes to Him, to confer of the Busines. And I think, it were not amisse, a Copie of this were somewhere recorded to the use of that Church. Which I leave to your judgment and Care.

I thanke you for letting me understand, what was the intended a[ccom]modation betweene the Primate, and the Provost, And am very glad to heare by you, that that Busines is setled.

Sir Robert King hath done very nobly in restoring so many Impropriations. I pray, God reward him for it!

God be your good speede in your treaty between the Lord Treasurer and the Bishop of Waterford. For I should be very glad to heare some good settlement of that Busines. And for the Archbishop of Dublyn, it is greate pitty his Sea hath been so improverish’d, as to disenable for service either to King or Church. I hope it will please God to open some way or other for the bettering of that Sea as well as the rest.

November 29.

I have considerd of this Petition, and though it be most true as is confest therin, that nothing can be demanded of me eyther in justice or equity to releive these men which have brought loss upon themselves by theyr owne negligence and ill carryage. Yet having now caused the busynes to be examined by Mr Vice Chancellor and the Heads by which the fairness of my dealing doth appeare; I am content out of mere charity rather then theyr wyves and children shall perish by theyr default to give them all that is desired in this petition And for the Payment of it this shall be your sufficient Warrant. Provided that Mr Vice Chancellor and such of the heads as you shall thinke fitt see such equall distribution of the money between Maud, Davis, and Smith that noe after reckoning among themselves breed any farther causles clamour upon my proceedings. And that you take all theyr handes to a finall discharge.

To Dr Bayly President of St. John Baptist College in Oxford.

Salutem in Christo.

After my very harty Commendations etc.

I have by Gods blessing after much labour and paines spent in vising and revising your Statutes, brought them at last I hope to good perfection. However if any omission be, I am sure it is not great, and upon notice given shall quickly be amended. And to that end I have herewith sent a Draught of them downe unto you, and doe hartily pray you, sometyme this Terme (and the sooner the better) seriously to persue them, and having done soe, and made such observations as you shall finde fitt, in a Paper apart, to returne them to me carefully againe. And thereupon I shall not faile God willing to make some further Additions, if those notes which you shall send me be thought any wayes considerable, and for the good of your Church. Soe not doubting of your Care herein, I leave you all to Gods grace, and rest

Your very lovinge Freind.

W: Cant:

Croydon October 6 1635

To my very worthy Freindes the Deane and Chapter of Christchurch in Canterbury. these.

Mr Buckeridge:

these ar to intreat you on the behalfe of Sherborne, a younge youth and fellowe of our Colledge, whoe is left fatherless and motherless to the charitye of the worlde. you once became a suter to me for hime, to bringe him into the Colledge; and nowe I must sue to you, to take some care and paines for to keepe hime in the Colledge. I have taken all the care I canne for hime and have made hime drawe a noate of such exhibitions as ar given towards his maintenaunce, which I would intreat you to receaue for hime accordinge to that noat, whether it be bye quarter or bye halfe yeare that they ar payde. The reason whye I am bold to troble you with thiss, is because his uncle Mr Sherborne dwellinge within Cripple-gate (as I thinke) havinge binne putt in trust with the gatheringe of these Monyes for the youth, ever since his fathers death, hath binne soe exceedinge careless and neglectfull of the boyes good, that ether he hath not taken care to receave it, or els (which is worss) hath receaved and spent part of it. For wee canne not soe muche as heare from hime, nor receave anye one answeare for manye leters. The youth is att thiss tyme, bye his uncles fault soe much in dett to the Colledge, as that if wee should proceed against hime accordinge to statut it might loose hime his fellowshipp. These ar theafore to intreat your paines and care to receave his Exhibitions for hime, and to acquaint his Benefactours with the reason whye I am forced to take thiss course, that soe hearafter wee maye have his monye to supplye his necessarye wants. And thiss shall be your warrant that it is the desyer of the Colledge to have it thuss ordered. Soe I leave you to the grace of God and rest

Your lovinge frend

William Laud

From St Johns Colledge in Oxford.

Julye 1. 1614.

I praye speake unto them from me that his uncle maye receave noe more: the youth is of great hope and I would not have hime dishartned.

When Pope Urban II first preached the crusade in 1095 among the spiritual privileges granted to the crusaders was the promise that papal protection would be extended over their families and possessions. The First Crusade was not a bolt from the blue; it was built on the existing foundations of holy war and pilgrimage, as were many of the privileges associated with the new crusade movement. An assessment of pilgrimage protection is of value to any investigation of the origins of the crusade-specific protection over crusaders’ families and possessions, especially since Brundage has shown that the rudiments of protection for devotional travellers were present in the Old Testament admonition against harming either the person or possessions of a pilgrim. Within the medieval context it is clear that other factors must be considered. Contemporaries of the First Crusade such as Abbot Guibert of Nogent (c.1064–1125) and Bishop Ivo of Chartres (c.1040–1116) perceived the crusades, and by implication the protection privilege that emerged from that movement, as fundamentally new. This novelty probably explains the omission of the crusade privileges from canon law; essentially the canonists were confused by the ambiguity of these new provisions hence they did not record them.

This study is not the first to recognise the significance of the crusade protection privilege. For Brundage, that protection was marked by a strong influence from the existing pilgrimage privileges. Likewise Tyerman stated that the Council of Clermont established that ‘the crusader, like the pilgrim, was withdrawn from a purely secular condition and was placed under the protection and authority of the Church, as if he had taken the holy orders’. While these views have considerable merit, too great an emphasis on pilgrimage is detrimental to our understanding of the profound distinctions between pilgrims’ privileges and crusade-specific protection. We will see that the evidence from canon law does not seem to support this blurring of the protection privileges. This chapter focuses on how Urban II expressed and explained his novel privileges to demonstrate both continuity from pilgrimage privileges and innovation in the papal protection that encompassed the crusaders’ families and possessions. It will reassess how far the crusade-specific protection was an extension of pilgrimage protection by examining the origins of the papal legislation of the crusades and considering pilgrim-specific protection.