Campus protests up and down the state did not soften most CSU trustees’ attitudes toward the plight of people of color and women within academia. In many ways, white board member attitudes hardened because of the perceived disruption to the “status quo,” as it did with many ordinary white Californians. In this chapter I examine the varying levels of resistance and opposition to implementing affirmative action within the California State University system from trustees, Chancellor's Office staff, and elected officials. Despite federal and state laws that opened access to insure racial and gender equity in the nation's public colleges and universities, it would be necessary for pro-affirmative action forces to challenge this resistance to guarantee the success of these policies and programs. Even after the loud, rancorous student protests on campuses across the CSU system in the late 1960s, trustees continued to slow-walk enforcement of affirmative action policy until the appointment of Claudia Hampton as the system's first Black woman trustee in 1974. Hampton's appointment to the board was one of several factors that forced the trustees to fully comply with the law after nearly a decade of obfuscation and overt delays.

On the heels of politicized campus protests at San Jose State and San Francisco State, Ronald Reagan, for example, in his position as governor and as a member of the CSU Board of Trustees, used these events as oppor-tunities to pressure the state legislature and trustees to enact policies that greatly expanded the role of law enforcement in the day-to-day operations of the university. Reagan also used his line-item veto power to dramati-cally cut the State College budget, denying requests to increase support for the Educational Opportunity Programs (EOP) which directly benefited racial minority and economically disadvantaged students needing academic counseling, mentoring, and tutoring services in preparation for admissions and retention in the California State Colleges. In 1970, for example, the Governor's budget included only $1.6 million of the trustees’ proposed $4.1 million as compared to the previous year's appropriation of $3.3 million. Trustees’ notes from that period reveal how the reduction in fund-ing to EOP had a devastating impact on disadvantaged students the public was demanding that the State Colleges serve.

Almost all Nico Richter's surviving compositions date from his student days, and his talent never reached full maturity. Most of them are extremely short, inspired by Webern and Berg. As a student of medicine, he directed the Amsterdam student orchestra MUSA (the musical branch of the student association Unitas Studiosorum Amstelodamensium). He joined the Dutch resistance, was arrested in 1942 and sent to work in successive concentration camps. By now a physical wreck, he dictated his final composition on his deathbed, just after liberation.

Nico Max Richter was born in Amsterdam on 2 December 1915, the second of three children and the only son of the dentist Izaak Richter and his wife Sara Manheim, who both came from the Dutch province of North Holland. This assimilated Jewish family lived in the Vondelstraat, where Nico's father also practised. The Vondelstraat was and remains the site of the Catholic Vondelkerk, where as a small child Nico often went to listen to the music: there was an Adema organ and both a men's and a boys’ choir.

The young Richters went to the Agatha Deken school, which admitted children from the age of five. They had a professional music teacher, who taught theory to the first and second year. Richter took violin lessons from the ages of seven to fifteen from the viola teacher Jacques Muller. While still at elementary school, he was sometimes taken to the Concertgebouw, where he was impressed by the music and particularly by the conductor.

By the time he started secondary school, shortly before he turned twelve, Richter was already composing. He finished his first worked-out composition, a minuet in Mozart style for violin and piano, at thirteen. At fifteen he moved to a different violin teacher, Sam Tromp, second violin in the Concertgebouw Orchestra. He graduated from school at sixteen, excelling in mathematics and sciences, but was also very interested in languages and literature, as witness the sources of texts for his early compositions: Gezelle, Goethe, Gorter, Heine and Tennyson.

Richter's father insisted that he choose a ‘real’ profession. He enrolled as a student of medicine at the University of Amsterdam in the autumn of 1932 and immediately became a member of Unitas, the progressive student society.

WITHIN A Christian spiritual life, the passions must be controlled and love must be redirected towards God and one's neighbour. This requires limiting certain emotions, but it demands the production of others. Whereas in a text like Beowulf emotions can have an inevitable quality, reflecting the sheer nature of the world though also to some extent a person's character and allegiances, in religious texts there can be a drive to provoke emotions that might not be present, or might indeed be culpably absent. In the Regularis Concordia, the monastic customary produced in the reign of Edgar as part of the tenth-century reform movement, the monk is instructed to ‘pour forth in the Lord's sight prayer from the heart rather than from the lips’ (‘in Domini conspectu effundat preces corde magis quam ore’) so that ‘through deep compunction of heart’ (‘per magnam animi compunctionem’) he may ‘obtain the pardon of all his sins’ (‘scelerum omnium … ueniam obtinet’). Penitence is foregrounded here, but other emotions are also produced as part of religious practice: wonder, fear, joy and compassion. The present chapter focuses on how poetic texts could be used to construct emotional relationships with the divine, relationships that audiences might actively enter into through prayer, contemplation or public reading or recitation. The texts under examination are the first and third sections of the Christ sequence that opens the Exeter Book. Since the Exeter Book probably had a monastic origin and use, the Christ sequence represents vernacular poetry in the service of monastic spirituality. Christ I, also known as Advent or The Advent Lyrics, is based on antiphons sung liturgically in the Advent and Christmas seasons and to some extent directly scripts expressions of emotion on the part of those reading, or rather praying, the poem. Christ III, also known as Christ in Judgement, is a Doomsday poem designed to stimulate penitential fear and sorrow, but it also thematizes empathy and compassion. Both texts represent and provoke emotions in such a way as to draw their audiences into an active relationship with God and with other holy persons and the congregation of the faithful. They provide scaffolding for a conscious and deliberate emotional practice for the good of the soul and the Christian community.

During the Second World War, Alexander Zwaap had to hide his identity by living under an alias, and in 1953, he legally changed his name to that alias, Lex van Delden. His life story is impressive, although he never spoke of the traumatic events he experienced during the war years, which he overcame with tremendous courage and resilience. Music was for him, as he often put it, a ‘transfer medium between people’. He took this approach with his compositions, since he wanted his music to communicate with its audience. Van Delden was a committed advocate for Dutch music and his social commitment was equally borne out in his readiness to hold several administrative posts, including the presidency of the Society of Dutch Composers (GeNeCo) and the chairmanship of the Bureau voor Muziekauteursrecht (Buma), the Dutch Performing Rights Organisation.

Alexander Zwaap was born on 10 September 1919 in the Jewish quarter of Amsterdam, on the Recht Boomssloot. He was the only child of Wolf and Sara Zwaap, who shared a house with his grandparents. The family was not Orthodox Jewish. As a youngster, he loved playing for the Amsterdam football club Ajax. Even during his medical studies, football remained an intrinsic part of his life. He never missed any of the club's competition games and became a regular in the Ajax boardroom. In the 1960s he wrote a weekly column about football, ‘From the stands, from the fields’, for Het Parool.

Zwaap's father was a teacher at a Jewish school and had worked with a colleague on operettas for children. He was also an amateur violinist, but there wasn't much music-making at home, although the family regularly went to the volksconcerten (‘people's concerts’). At the age of seven, he began piano lessons, initially with Martha Zwaga and later with the pianist Cor de Groot, who was only five years his senior but already a rising star.

Once while bedridden, he began jotting down some notes. It was a pleasant way to pass the time. In spite of his artistic promise (at the age of sixteen, he had a part-time job as a ballet accompanist), his ambition was to become a neurosurgeon, and in 1938 he enrolled at the Municipal University of Amsterdam to study medicine.

Henriëtte Bosmans had already enjoyed a well-established reputation as a pianist in pre-war Dutch musical life, although as a female composer she received less recognition in the Netherlands, except from colleagues and friends. Her considerable output includes orchestral works, chamber music and many songs. During the war she was not allowed to appear in public and had to support herself with ‘underground’ house concerts.

Henriëtte Hilda Bosmans was born on 6 December 1895, the only child of Henri Bosmans (1856–96) and Sara Benedicts Bosmans (1861–1949). Her father, who had been the principal cellist of the newly established Concertgebouw Orchestra, died when she was only a baby. Her mother, a piano teacher at the Amsterdam Conservatoire, gave Henriëtte her first piano lessons. At seventeen she passed her final piano examination at the Maatschappij tot Bevordering der Toonkunst (Society for the Advancement of Music). She studied music theory and composition with Jan Willem Kersbergen and composition with Willem Pijper, who happened to be her neighbour at the time. During the 1930s Bosmans performed regularly with the Concertgebouw Orchestra. At one of their prestigious Thursday evening concerts in 1936, she was the soloist in César Franck's Variations symphoniques, with Willem Mengelberg conducting. The critic Herman Rutters, writing in the Algemeen Handelsblad, praised her interpretation as ‘shrewd, intuitive, with pure, vibrant and noble musicianship’.

The cellist Marix Loevensohn6 often performed her Poème for cello and orchestra, which she had written for him in 1926, and Louis Zimmermann, concert-master of the Concertgebouw Orchestra, premiered the Concert Piece for violin and orchestra in 1935, conducted by Mengelberg. Her international breakthrough came in 1938 when the violinist Willem Noske8 played the Concert Piece, full of ‘Oriental moods’, in Prague and Paris. In October 1941 it was also performed several times in the United States by the violinist Ruth Posselt. The prospect of further international engagements was then curtailed by the war.

Interference by the Nazis in cultural life was in evidence long before the war. In 1933 the Maandblad voor Hedendaagsche Muziek (‘Monthly Magazine for Contemporary Music’), published in Amsterdam from1931 to 1933, ran an article entitled ‘Terror in German

Marius Flothuis led an eventful life. He was politically aware and inclined to left-wing views from an early age. He lost his job at the Concertgebouw Orchestra when he refused to register with the Kultuurkamer, and was arrested for his involvement with the Dutch resistance. Imprisoned in Camp Vught and deported to Sachsenhausen in 1944, he survived its hardships and continued to compose. In the post-war Dutch and international music worlds he held numerous influential positions.

Born on 30 October 1914 in Amsterdam, Flothuis was raised in a well-to-do family. His father played the violin and as a child Marius loved listening to his mother playing Mendelssohn's Lieder ohne Worte on the piano. At around the age of six he learned the basics of piano-playing from his brother Joop, who was five years older. It was not long before he surprised everyone by playing Pleyel's Sonatina in D major. From then on, music never truly let him go. His piano teachers were his uncle George Hamel, Bé Boef, Arend Koole and Hans Brandts Buys. The latter, his music teacher at the Amsterdam Vossius Gymnasium, was a major influence and a stimulating mentor.

Flothuis was a timid, withdrawn boy, but his talents were gradually recognised at the Gymnasium. At fourteen, he surprised his piano teacher, Arend Koole, with his own cadenzas for Haydn's D major Piano Concerto and, soon afterwards, his cadenzas for some of the Mozart piano concertos. He often played the piano with his brother, mostly symphonic repertoire arranged for four hands. Joop introduced him to music by Debussy, Ravel and other French composers, which proved an enormous revelation.

Flothuis was fifteen when he first performed on the piano at one of the high school's musical evenings. Brandts Buys encouraged him to play the piano, arrange music and conduct the school orchestra. Flothuis was strongly influenced by contemporary composers and he attempted to emulate the string quartets by Hindemith and Milhaud, but these early effortswere soon consigned to oblivion. At seventeen, he passed his high school exams and the piano and theory exams of the Koninklijke Nederlandse ToonkunstenaarsVereniging (the Royal Dutch Musicians Association), his programme including Mozart – with his own cadenzas – and a composition by Willem Pijper.

Fania Chapiro was born in 1926 in Indonesia (the former Dutch East Indies), on the island of Java, to a Russian father and Dutch mother. Her parents recognised the exceptional musical talent of their only child, and made many sacrifices to support it. When she wrote in her diary in early 1935: ‘I have decided to become a composer and a wonderful pianist’, she could never have expected a war to intervene. She was half-Jewish, which would affect the course of her life, but she persevered, and achieved a successful career as a pianist and composer.

Her father, Naum Chapiro, was a violin teacher, and so she was raised in a musical environment. Fania, when still a toddler, tried to play with his violin, but it soon became clear that the piano was going to be her instrument. She put her heart and soul into it and, by the age of six, concerts of the young prodigy were featured in the newspapers. In those days, musicians often included Java on their tours. One of them, the renowned pianist Benno Moiseiwitsch, was present at one of Fania's concerts, and was convinced that she ought to study in Paris, where her exceptional talent could be developed. She was just eight years old when, in 1934, her parents decided to take this huge step. The pianist Lazare-Lévy, a kind and sympathetic personality, became her teacher; it was the beginning of a lifelong friendship. Many of Lazare-Lévy's piano students went on to successful careers. He firmly believed in Fania's obvious talent, although she was discouraged by setbacks encountered along the way. Her theoretical skills appeared to be inadequate at that time, and at the Conservatoire she had to work hard to pass the exams. Lazare-Lévy asked her to compose something for the ‘sight-reading class’, which she did, but playing the piano was her core objective.

Fania and her parents spent every summer holiday in the Netherlands with family, where her father eagerly tried to introduce his daughter into the Dutch music scene, but with the outbreak of war in 1939 they were forced to remain, and they moved into an apartment in Bezuidenhout in The Hague.