I offer an overview and analysis of charitable giving in Kuwait, Qatar, Oman and Saudi Arabia, and explore its linkages to politics. I study giving at home and abroad, by governments, non-governmental organizations, ruling elites, and private actors, and doctrinally connected giving. I examine how these entities give, to whom they give and why they give as they do. I highlight several key findings: First, in three of the four countries, the most active and best endowed foundations have been created by (members of) ruling families or prominent politico-religious associations; second, private giving tends to concentrate on family, tribe, ethnic community; third, religious precepts are routinely modified to appease a particular social category; fourth, with few exceptions, migrant workers are excluded from access to charity. These findings suggest that charitable giving, while intrinsic to the practice of Islam, may be instrumentalized to advance secular interests: 1) gather information about society, 2) assert relationships of authority and control, 3) shore up allegiance (to a ruler and/or an ideology), 4) consolidate a definition of community.

The aim of this volume is not to provide or test a single theory of informal global governance but rather to provide a set of analyses that speak to a common set of theoretical, empirical, and methodological questions. More broadly, the aim is to advance the emerging research agenda on informality in world politics. We conclude the volume by highlighting four productive avenues for future research on informality, based on the insights of the empirical chapters.

This epilogue explores the multifaceted experiences of migration and mobility among college students of immigrant origin, revealing their intricate journeys through higher education systems. The authors note the various ways this volume documents the processes by which students from immigrant backgrounds navigate oppressive and exclusionary spaces, seeking avenues of belonging and success on their campuses. Closing on a note of audacious hope, the epilogue presents the narratives of two focal participants, Cecilia and Manuela, interviewed as part of a larger study of the effects of membership in a student-led mutual support network among aspiring teachers of color in a historically white institution. These student leaders articulated themes of belonging and exclusion, the necessity of building community, the centrality of their personal and professional identities as women of color, and the importance of creating and maintaining sources of emotional support and encouragement. Through their narratives, we see ways their community-building efforts serve as a form of resistance so that they can thrive in places that were never designed for them.

The Introduction sets the context for the book and outlines the importance of its focus on sustainable development in international law. It offers background details and speaks to the inspiration for this book. These motivations derive from my professional experiences and research on international and environmental law in Africa and elsewhere. These experiences shaped my reflections on the history, the present state, and the future of the legal dimensions of the concept of sustainable development within international law.

Radicalization is most often seen as a gradual process that may or may not lead to radical or extreme behaviors such as terrorism. Theories on the radicalization process often highlight the potential role of social exclusion in the propensity for radicalization. We here present some of the major radicalization theories and discuss exclusion as a common denominator that could trigger a radicalization process. We then describe the research on personality and individual differences in relation to radicalization briefly, before discussing individual differences that are connected to exclusion in more depth. We go through the available empirical evidence supporting the notion that some individual level differences, such as rejection sensitivity, could moderate the effect of exclusion on radicalization. We further discuss other potential individual differences that relate to exclusion such as need to belong and entitlement.

White extremism has been a rising trend in North American and European countries over the past two decades. Despite the systemically engrained privileged status of people who identify as white in US society, one of the causes of white extremism is a perceived threat of being sidelined/disadvantaged by individuals with non-white identities. For example, the mainstreaming of the great replacement theory among right-wing media outlets and politicians demonstrates this perception. We examine this perception, and white extremism rhetoric and radicalization broadly, within the context of social exclusion at both the individual and systemic levels. We further embed this analysis within theories and research focused on concepts of “the self,” social identity, and related psychological needs usually impacted by social exclusion. We recommend researchers and practitioners interested in extremism and radicalization to intentionally consider self-related theories and constructs going forward.

Extremism of all types arises from a motivational imbalance wherein one need outweighs all other needs. When such a process occurs, more means to achieving the focal goal, including those considered extreme, become available to the individual. Presently, we focus on the need for significance, an existential social need. When the quest for significance is dominant, an individual may be willing to make extreme sacrifices in order to achieve their goal. The quest for significance can be activated through many different means, one of which is the loss of significance through exclusion. When one perceives that they have been excluded, their motivation to regain respect is activated. When this motivation to restore significance comes to suppress one’s other needs, the individual becomes willing to engage in activities they may have previously considered socially unacceptable, including joining extreme groups and participating in violence, in order to fulfill their quest for significance.

Societies have constant competition between progressive forces that would reduce group-based inequality and regressive forces that would maintain it. As groups vie for superiority or equality, people on all sides can feel that their group is not being accorded as much status as it deserves, the feeling of status indignity. Further, political contests can lead people on all sides to feel excluded. We show that status indignity and exclusion are connected and can lead to radicalization. In reviewing research on social dominance orientation, right-wing authoritarianism, and collective narcissism, we identify evidence that regressive radicalization is more likely than progressive radicalization due to the psychological assumptions of people who favor regressive versus progressive movements.

Can the experience of being ostracized – ignored and excluded – lead to people being more open to extremism? In this chapter we review the theoretical basis and experimental evidence for such a connection. According to the temporal need-threat model (Williams, 2009), ostracism is a painful experience that threatens fundamental social needs. Extreme groups have the potential to be powerful sources of inclusion and could therefore address these needs, thereby making them especially attractive to recent targets of ostracism. We also identify a set of factors that is theoretically likely to affect this link and review evidence for the opposite causal path: People are especially likely to ostracize others who belong to extreme groups. Together, this suggests a possible negative cycle in which ostracism may push people toward extreme groups, on which they become more reliant as social contacts outside the group further ostracize them.

The introduction begins with the crisis of republicanism in France today. It asks what republicanism is for the French and why exclusion lies at the center of its crisis. It then presents the characteristics of French republicanism (in particular, its universalism and its emancipatory dimension), its place in the broader republican tradition, and in the neo-republican revival. Finally, it introduces the theoretical paradoxes that led republicans to justify exclusionary practices despite their endorsement of emancipation.

This chapter investigates the precarious arrangements embedded in the systems and processes of migration management across three different country contexts: the UK, Germany, and Australia. The country comparison shows how precarious workplace/worker and societal arrangements have been woven into the systems of migration management (Paret and Gleeson ; Vosko ). The examination employs an historical methodology to show how approaches to migration management create a racialised precarity in the destination country generally; and more specifically in the destination country labour market where different groups of migrant workers are channelled into and toil in the least favourable areas of the labour market. Accordingly, we shed light on the rules underscoring and the implications of the process of migrant worker acceptance, settlement, and integration in a new land and labour market.

In this chapter, we explore the duality of the artificial intelligence (AI)–enabled gig economy in terms of the precarity and the promise it offers. In particular we focus on underrepresented and disadvantaged groups of workers who found new homes in the AI-enabled gig economy. We explore how their precarity is viewed in the extant literature. We then expose the lack of attention to this group of workers, whose exclusion from the traditional labour market was not originally problematised, who now are portrayed as suffering as a result of poor regulation of AI. As such we expose the hypocrisy in terms of how precarity is problematised with the development of AI-enabled gig economy and yet the potential of the gig economy to open up opportunities for atypical workers is often overlooked. One of the concerns that we observe is the over-representation of the atypical workers in the sector. We demonstrate that it is possible to have an AI-enabled gig economy which does not lead to precarity, if there is effective regulation of the sector. We provide a brief roadmap with multilevel regulatory controls for combatting precarity in the AI-led gig economy.

“Trumpets and Ledgers” expands on the groundwork laid in the first chapter by exploring the intricacies of life for Filipinos in Shanghai and Chinese in Manila. The first section, trumpets, uses records from the Shanghai Municipal Orchestra, which employed many Filipino musicians, to piece together a social history of Filipinos in Shanghai. It then pivots to the cabaret scene in the metropolis, which likewise featured many famous Filipino jazz bands. It argues that Filipinos, as the face of jazz and classical music in Shanghai, became caretakers and representatives of the genres for the Chinese residents of the city. The second section examines Chinese connections with business and trade in the Philippines and efforts by Filipino lawmakers to expand global exclusionary legislation by limiting the ability of Chinese in the archipelago to conduct business. The Bookkeeping Act, which banned the use of the Chinese language in bookkeeping, ultimately fell apart due to a coordinated campaign by prominent, well-connected Chinese leaders from the archipelago, but the passage of the act reveals some of the challenges that Chinese in Manila and Filipinos in Shanghai faced as foreign Asian migrants without imperial protection.

This volume, part of the Feminist Judgment Series, shows how feminist legal theory along with critical race theory and intersectional modes of critique might transform immigration law. Here, a diverse collection of scholars and lawyers bring critical feminist, race and intersectional insights to Supreme Court opinions that deal with the source of the power to regulate immigration, state and local regulation of immigration, citizenship law, racial discrimination, employment law, access to public education, the rights of criminal defendants, the detention of noncitizens, and more. Feminist reasoning values the perspectives of outsiders, exposes the deep-rooted bias in the legal opinions of courts, and illuminates the effects of ostensibly neutral policies that create and maintain oppression and hierarchy. One by one, the chapters in this book reimagine the norms that drive immigration policies and practices. In place of discrimination and subordination, the authors here demand welcome and equality. Where current law omits the voice and stories of noncitizens, the authors here center their lives and experiences. Collectively, they reveal how a feminist vision of immigration law could center a commitment to equality and justice and foster a country where diverse newcomers readily flourish with dignity.

This volume, part of the Feminist Judgment Series, shows how feminist legal theory along with critical race theory and intersectional modes of critique might transform immigration law. Here, a diverse collection of scholars and lawyers bring critical feminist, race and intersectional insights to Supreme Court opinions that deal with the source of the power to regulate immigration, state and local regulation of immigration, citizenship law, racial discrimination, employment law, access to public education, the rights of criminal defendants, the detention of noncitizens, and more. Feminist reasoning values the perspectives of outsiders, exposes the deep-rooted bias in the legal opinions of courts, and illuminates the effects of ostensibly neutral policies that create and maintain oppression and hierarchy. One by one, the chapters in this book reimagine the norms that drive immigration policies and practices. In place of discrimination and subordination, the authors here demand welcome and equality. Where current law omits the voice and stories of noncitizens, the authors here center their lives and experiences. Collectively, they reveal how a feminist vision of immigration law could center a commitment to equality and justice and foster a country where diverse newcomers readily flourish with dignity.