Values and gender are an increasingly established part of Australian foreign policy. This chapter explores their role in Australia’s engagement in the world from 2016 to 2020. We argue that gender equality continued to serve as a tangible expression of Australian identity and values in foreign policy, informing Australia’s key international alliances and relationships. First, we analyse the construction and expression of national identity through the values Australia projected in its foreign policy and international relations, and how these values evolved. Next, we focus on who represented Australia and how Australia was represented in foreign policy through its diplomacy, security and development relationships. We also analyse how Australia distinguished itself from other states, which we illustrate with reference to the Women, Peace and Security (WPS) agenda. Third, we critically examine the soft power aspect of Australian foreign policy, and how values and gender equality principles were used to enhance Australia’s reputation.

Biases in decision-making based on race, ethnicity, social class, gender, sexual orientation, and other social identities are pervasive in the criminal justice and legal systems. Likewise, the positionality of legal actors and lay people from diverse groups both influences and constrains legally relevant judgments. This chapter uses a case study of racially biased judgments in the criminal justice and legal systems to illustrate how judgment processes can lead to unequal outcomes across social groups. It then describes ways in which law-psychology can expand research on diversity in legal decision-making, addressing issues related to social class, discrimination against LGBTQ+ people, and reproductive decision-making by women. It also discusses frameworks and perspectives that provide valuable insights on legal decision-making but which often are overlooked by psycholegal scholars, including intersectionality, Critical Race Theory, and the abolition movement. The chapter concludes by examining the limits of a decision-making framework for understanding unequal outcomes in legally relevant contexts, which frequently are the result of structural and implicit biases in addition to deliberate judgments.

This chapter focuses on promoting high-impact philanthropy for the Global South through learning from the experiences of Co-Impact, a global collaborative that advances inclusive systems change and gender equality through grant-making and influencing philanthropy through its network connections. It explains the constraints in philanthropic practice the Co-Impact model is designed to address and how to advance ‘trust-based philanthropy’ that both learns from and inspires others. The chapter argues why, under certain circumstances, pooling funding can achieve greater impact, and the importance and power of philanthropic networks to promote collaboration and impact. It provides a practical approach to addressing inherent power dynamics in philanthropy and discusses the spectrum between collaborative philanthropy and pooled funds. It also tells the story of Co-Impact’s growth and outlines its key learnings with respect to mobilising philanthropic resources. This experience reflects the belief that philanthropic capital can do more and better and that a crucial mechanism for achieving its potential is through active networks. It clarifies how the concept of networks goes beyond loose transactions and collections of people and organisations and instead embodies the idea of a community of interconnected and like-minded individuals and organisations that share similar values, working together to maximise impact. The chapter reinforces the idea that systems change through collaborative communities is critical to ensure that philanthropic interventions result in improved outcomes for millions of people where systems and societies are just and inclusive.

Chapter 10 takes stock of the evidence and looks ahead at the long-run implications of women’s political inclusion for broader processes of development and social change. It argues that women’s political inclusion hinges on their ability to navigate resistance and co-optation. If they are able to achieve real political representation, it suggests it is likely to yield important changes to governance and development more broadly.

Chapter 6 examines the diachronic aspect of Chinese politeness. Changes are identified in all three areas selected for analysis: the marriage ritual, end-of-dinner food offering, and compliment responses. In the first, modern Chinese marriage is found to show more gender equality between the bride and groom. In food offering, dinner hosts offer food to guests much less (if at all) than what they were found to do fourteen years earlier. In complement responses, Chinese are found to accept complements overwhelmingly as opposed to reject them overwhelmingly seventeen years earlier. MCP and B&L-E, however, can account for these changes coherently: they are diachronic variations on the same “theme,” the theme that is captured at higher level of generalization by the two models of politeness.

With the narrowing space between international trade and domestic policy, the topic of women’s empowerment1 is increasingly becoming part of mainstream discussions in global governance circles. Indeed, renewed attention is now being paid to how international trade policies may impact gender equality.2 Recently, multiple studies have demonstrated that trade policy is not gender-neutral.3 Trade policies create both ‘losers’ and ‘winners’, as they benefit some and leave others behind.4 The distributional outcomes of trade can vary between women and men, since they play different roles in society, markets, and the economy, and they enjoy different opportunities.5 Hence, if trade policies are designed without taking into account their impact on gender powers and opportunities, these policies can magnify the existing gender gaps.6

This chapter looks at women’s representation in multilateral trade negotiations within the context of the overall goal of achieving more gender-sensitive outcomes in trade policy. Although trade negotiations have increased in scope and scale, this has not resulted in a concomitant increase in the representation of women as experts, negotiators and diplomats. The expansion and more complex nature of trade negotiations puts greater pressure on developing nations, especially on smaller delegations, as illustrated by data from the diplomatic missions to the United Nations and the World Trade Organization in Geneva. The chapter discusses the current structure and challenges of trade negotiations, highlighting both the challenges of the career and the changing character of persons engaged in trade negotiations. Lastly, the chapter draws attention to the distinction between women participating in trade negotiations and having the interests of women reflected in trade negotiation outcomes. This distinction is particularly important if one wants to place trade policy in the context of the overall societal movement towards gender equality. In its conclusion, this chapter sets out a list of actionable advice to improve the current situation to facilitate greater contribution of trade negotiations to global gender equality.

The Caribbean women’s rights agenda has been framed by the broader agenda of international platforms for action ‘adapted to national and regional priorities’. Yet the Caribbean feminist agenda is hardly present in international trade discussions and negotiations. The chapter will examine the development of gender equality/feminism in the Caribbean and its intersections with trade; highlight and examine the current feminist agenda in the Caribbean; and ultimately consider whether and if so how that agenda manifests itself in domestic and regional policy and practice in the Caribbean. It will do so against the backdrop of broader efforts internationally to mainstream gender and will make recommendations about how the Caribbean should approach trade and gender in the future.

In recent years, more and more countries have included different kinds of gender considerations in their trade agreements. Yet many countries have still not signed their very first agreement with a gender equality-related provision. Though most of the agreements negotiated by countries in the Asia-Pacific region have not explicitly accommodated gender concerns, a limited number of trade agreements signed by countries in the region have presented a distinct approach: the nature of provisions, drafting style, location in the agreements, and topic coverage of such provisions contrast with the gender-mainstreaming approach employed by the Americas or other regions. This chapter provides a comprehensive account and assessment of gender-related provisions included in the existing trade agreements negotiated by countries in the Asia-Pacific, explains the extent to which gender concerns are mainstreamed in these agreements, and summarizes the factors that impede such mainstreaming efforts in the region.

This chapter explores the positive obligations accompanying artistic freedom, and discusses the linkages between artistic freedom and ‘participation’ in cultural life under article 15 ICESCR. It focuses in particular on obilgations related to effective judicial remedies concerning censorship of performances (e.g. Pussy Riot’s Punk Prayer) and demolition of art installations (e.g. the ‘Bridges of Memory’ installation in the Mapocho River in Chile), as well as those related to artists’ cultural mobility (e.g. artists living in a situation of occupation). In this respect, the chapter makes a parallel between international obligations to protect artistic freedom as part of the right to participate in cultural life with forms of artistic performance that require the participation of the public (as in the case of Kaprow’s work, and the ‘Reinventions of Yard’). It further examines the impact of non-discrimination and equality in the artworlds – including for instance discriminatory laws on male guardianship that have an impact on womens’ ability to work as artists, display their work or participate in artistic events and performances. Finally, the author wonders whether de facto equality is ever possible in the artworlds, discussing the application of affirmative action and the so-called special measures in the artworlds.