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This Element is the first monograph to focus on the presence and popularity of autofiction in contemporary theatre, a mode characterised by its mixture of autobiographical and fictional materials and generally associated with the cutting edge of literary fiction. To do so, it brings frameworks from literary and theatre studies to bear on a recent upsurge in plays that explicitly mobilise lived experience and its fictionalisation to political ends. Considering a comparative corpus of state-subsidised productions in Britain and Europe since the mid 2010s – both adaptations of literary works and plays written for the stage – this Element attends to autofiction's aesthetics and politics through its negotiation on stage of three conceptual binaries, each the focus of a section: fact/fiction, self/other, and inclusion/exclusion. By probing the mode's critical potential and pitfalls, it sheds light on the stakes of self-fictionalising practices in today's cultural markets and on the role of theatre therein.
Of the two parallel lives, it is Hannibal who used an elected position to carry through political and economic reforms unwelcome to the ruling oligarchy, whereas Scipio was quiet and accepting of the status quo. A story that Hannibal was prosecuted after Zama is not believable. He urged acceptance of the peace terms after Zama, manhandling an opposing speaker; he apologized for this, pleading long absence from civil life. As elected ‘praetor’ (sufete), he antagonized powerful citizens. His summons of a ‘quaestor’ (financial official) was refused. Scipio, soon after, also had trouble with a recalcitrant quaestor. Hannibal’s main political reform was to end life tenure of the ‘judges’. Economically, perhaps using skills developed when managing the logistics of his Italian campaign, he calculated Carthage’s revenues and ended embezzlement. The unpopularity with the ruling class so generated, and Roman diplomatic pressure, caused him to flee permanently. Carthage’s second-century economy is evaluated.
This paper investigates the nexus between per capita income convergence and political institutions within the Eurozone. Employing data spanning the years 2002–2019, the research initially identifies multiple convergence clusters and subsequently examines the relationship between the creation of these clusters and different aspects of political institutions. The findings reveal that there are multiple steady states in the Eurozone, and their formation is notably influenced by political institutions alongside other conventional economic determinants derived from the Solow model. Furthermore, the study underscores that improvements in regulatory quality, as well as in aspects such as democracy, government effectiveness, and corruption control, positively impact income convergence across all member countries. These findings carry significant policy implications.
This chapter includes civic signs and political banners, which seem to be particularly numerous in China. They are used to extol civic and cultural values reflecting the current social and political climate. From their contents, one can get a sense of what are considered important at a particular time. Like couplets, the rhetorical device of parallelism is frequently employed.
This topic comprises Themes #3 and #4, whose central thrusts are, respectively, cheap military successes and paths to the same larger political end using civilian approaches – i.e., winning without major fighting (at least in a classic military sense). Although it does not capture the sum total of Sun Tzu’s Theme #3 thinking, a core part of that thinking focuses on extremes of both benefits and costs – reaping the former and avoiding the latter.
The ongoing COVID-19 pandemic has impacted the world to devastating effect, yielding profound societal disruption around the globe. However, its impact throughout the world has not been equal among nations. In the United States, the impact of COVID-19 is influenced and exacerbated by an embedded social issue: structural racism and its attendant systemic inequities. This paper first addresses how structural racism, broadly construed as the deeply rooted discriminatory policies and systems that produce the chronic systemic inequities faced by BIPOC (Black, Indigenous, and People of Color) people in American society, have influenced, with notable detriment, COVID-19’s impact in the United States. This detrimental impact is most keenly demonstrated by the extreme disparate medical impact of COVID-19 itself, collectively in terms of the disease’s rate of infection, morbidity, and mortality on the BIPOC population versus that of the white population. As the United States crossed the threshold of 275,000 total deaths from COVID-19, it continued to see the significant inequities that were revealed in the early weeks of the pandemic. The latest data (as of November 2020) show that age-adjusted mortality rates for Indigenous people are 3.2 times higher than for white people; rates for Black and Latinx are 3.0 times higher than for whites. This translates into an unprecedented level of excess deaths across the country. If the COVID-19 mortality rate experienced in the white population applied universally to BIPOC communities, approximately 21,000 Black, 10,000 Latinx and 1,000 Indigenous people would still be alive today. The disparate impact is also evident regarding problems ancillary to the pandemic, such as the economic recession, which take a greater malignant toll on BIPOC communities, as well. Job and wage losses due to COVID-19 have hit marginalized and minoritized communities hardest; more than half of Hispanic (58 percent) and Black (53 percent) households in the US Census Bureau’s Household Pulse Survey reported a decline in employment income since mid-March. Black workers have experienced the highest rates of unemployment and the weakest recoveries since the March–April unemployment peak.
This chapter explores the constitutional ramifications of the French Revolution’s transformation of the old regime of property. It reinterprets the abolition of feudalism as part of the revolutionaries’ larger attempt to draw a conceptual and legal line of demarcation between property and power. Their double aim was to make property truly private by stripping from it all attributes of public authority and to make power truly public by eliminating its former patrimonial characteristics. The attempt to implement this demarcation in practice was still underway decades after the Revolution had formally ended feudalism. Over time, it largely succeeded. From this distinction between property and power flowed some of the key conceptual binaries – the political and social, state and society, public and private, sovereignty and property – through which we still apprehend the world. The abolition of feudalism was thus much more than simply the eradication of an archaic form of property. Rather, it played an essential role in shaping the conceptual building blocks from which modernity was built.
Latvia, a country of almost two million people, is a high-income country. A substantial risk for economic development of the country is population decline. Prior to 2021, higher education sector in Latvia consisted of six universities, 21 non-university type of institutions offering Bachelor’s degrees, two branch institutions of foreign HEIs, and 25 colleges which offered first level or short cycle higher education higher. In 2021, amendments to the Law on Higher Education Establishments came into effects distinguishing between research universities, universities of arts and culture, universities of applied sciences and non-university type of institutions of applied sciences. In 2020, approximately 60 percent of enrolled students paid tuition fees. There is dual track tuition policy. The 2021 amendments introduced boards as the primary authoritative body at HEIs. For example, The Board of a research university consists of 11 members. Five of them are internal staff nominated by the Senate. The President of the country nominates one representative who is not linked to the university. The remaining five members of the board are external (not university employees).
Uzbekistan is a lower-middle-income country with a population of 33 million people. Uzbekistan’s economy was more resilient to external shocks than other post-Soviet countries in the 1990s. Although the transition produced many economic and political benefits, it also produced some disadvantages. In terms of the management of some sectors of the economy, Uzbekistan did not reject centralized planning.. Uzbekistan more recently has been dedicated to implanting market-oriented reforms but only in some sectors, such as retail. The HE system is comprised of universities, institutes, and academies. There are 32 universities (20 public universities and their 6 regional branches, and 6 branches of foreign universities), 6 academies, and 44 institutes (36 public institutes and their 7 regional branches, and one branch of foreign university. The approach to governance in the HE sector can be described as top-down and centralized. The Academic Board and the Board of Trustees are advisory bodies of the HEIs.
The Republic of Kazakhstan is a land-locked country approximately twice the size of Western Europe but with only 18.8 million inhabits. Since 2001, Kazakhstan has made significant economic gains in growing a middle class and reducing poverty. The recent economic challenging facing the country focused on the regions. The January 2022 social conflict focused on the imbalance between urban and rural areas and the economic disparity between them. With independence, the Republic inherited 55 universities from Soviet times. In 2018 the total number of students in Kazakhstan’s universities was 512,677 with 93% studying at undergraduate level. Enrollment peaked in 2005-06 with 775,762 students. As of 2020, there are 129 higher education institutions. The financing of Kazakhstani public universities is a mix of government support and student paid tuition fees. The Board of Directors, whose members are external to the university, act as the main governing body of the public universities.
Upon the dissolution of the Soviet Union in 1991, Turkmenistan did not abandon the centralized management style. The country does not hold a membership with many international organizations, coalitions, and unions, including the World Trade Organization and the Bologna Process. The liberalization process of the economy remains slow. The Republic’s higher education institutions (HEI) can be divided into the following types: university, academy, institute, and conservatory. Universities offer a wide range of programs, including graduate programs. Academies offer graduate programs in special fields, whereas institutes provide graduate programs in specific professions. Of 24 HEIs, there are 6 universities, one academy, 16 institutes, and one conservatory. Over the course of the last several years, Turkmenistan has created new institutions such as the International University for Humanities and Development (IUHD) in 2014, Oguzkhan University of Engineering and Technologies. The governance of the HE system is centralized as the state plays a major role in regulating and governing the vast majority of HEIs’ activities. In other words, HEIs have strictly limited autonomy.
Moldova is a country of approximately 3.55 million people. From 1990 to 2015, it lost 21 percent of its population. Moldova is a lower middle-income country making it one of the poorest in Europe. However, following the global financial crisis in 2008-09, its economy had been one of the fastest growing in the region averaging 4.5 percent growth from 2010 to 2017. The university sector in Moldova consists of 19 public and 10 private universities. They enroll 55,700 students and 9,800 students respectively (65,543 total) (NSB 2018). The average enrollment is less than 2,000 students for all but two of the public universities; Moldovan State University and Moldovan Technical University each enroll approximately 10,000 students. The primary governing body of Moldovan universities is the Senate, which is codified in national statute as that which represents the supreme management body. There is a second governing body, the Strategic and Institutional Development Council (SIDC), that on some organizational charts appears on the same level as the Senate and has some authority over the rector. These two bodies have coordinated responsibilities.
After gaining its independence in 1991 from the Soviet Union, Ukraine implemented liberalization and modernization reforms. The country has an important strategic geopolitical position as it is on the crossroads of major transportation routes from West to East. During the first decade of its independence, Ukraine underwent a fundamental transformation from totalitarian government towards a democracy; and from command economy to market oriented one. It is classified as a lower-middle-income country and has an industrialized economy. After joining the Bologna Process, the government introduced several changes such as the creation of Supervisory Boards, the election of the rector rather than governmental appointment, and increased levels of university autonomy. The two authoritative bodies in public universities are the Academic Board, a collegial body of a HEI set up every five years and the Supervisory Board with external members that exists to oversee the institution’s assets management and mission.
Georgia is a country of approximately 3,716,900 people. Nearly 32% of the population lives in Tbilisi. After the breakup of the Soviet Union, Georgia experienced an economic collapse unprecedented amongst its fellow post-Soviet states. However, Georgia has done well economically in the past decade, demonstrating a strong commitment to economic reform. Since the 2003 Rose Revolution, Georgia has positioned itself as a “pro-Western” country. In 2014, Georgia signed an Association Agreement with the European Union, and the country has repeatedly declared its intention of becoming an EU member. There are 64 higher education institutions in Georgia, 19 of which are public. Tuition fees, which are capped at the maximum state study grant amount, account for 90% of the total income of public HEIs. The 2004 Law “On Higher Education” grants autonomy to public HEIs, allowing them to develop their own study and research policies, elect management bodies and officials, and manage their finances. The highest governing body of public HEIs is the Academic Council. The rector, who is elected by the university, chairs the council.
Lithuania is a high-income country. Trade in goods and services contribute about three quarters of Lithuanian GDP; industry contributes 26 percent; and agriculture three percent. The university sector consists of 14 public and 8 private universities that offer Bachelor’s degrees and higher. There are 13 public and 11 private colleges that award Professional Bachelor’s degrees. There are about 150,000 students enrolled. The University Council is a governance body of a university. The University Council should consist of 9 or 11 members. One member is nominated by students. Three or four members of the Council are nominated by the academic staff. Four or five members who are not affiliated with the university are selected in the procedure laid down by the Senate. The remaining three or four members are selected through an open competition.
Russia’s population is more than 146 million, three-quarters of which live in cities. Russia is a federal presidential republic.. From 1990 to 2002, key sectors of the economy lost up to one-third of the total number of employees: the industrial sector (about 36 percent), agriculture (20 percent), construction (23 percent), and transport and communications (16 percent). These changes in the labor market resulted in reducing the demand for natural science training with higher education and have led to a decrease in the popularity of engineering universities. The higher education sector is very large and very diverse. As of 2018-2019, the higher education system consists of 496 state universities, including ten federal universities, 29 national research universities, and 247 non-state and private universities. The current higher education governance model in Russia results from the transformation period of the entire higher education system following the dissolution of the Soviet system. The primary decision-making body is the Academic Council, headed by the rector. However, many universities have newly established but advisory Board of Trustees or Boards of Overseers.
The Republic of Tajikistan is a small landlocked country located in south-eastern Central Asia of 9.12 million people. During the civil war of 1992-1997the economy and much of the educational infrastructure was destroyed. Even though the share of state budget resources and other investments in education is gradually increasing, the economy’s competitiveness remains low. The economy is heavily dependent on labor migration to Russia and remittances, which affects the demand for labor, including the domestic demand for professional skills, competencies, and knowledge, and employment opportunities for university graduates. The Tajikistan education system inherited a highly centralized and unified system of education that required substantial reforms. By 2018-2019, 40 state higher education institutions enrolled 209,800 students. The Government of Tajikistan is striving to integrate its higher education system into European higher education and actively pursuing the Bologna Process. The country’s universities have limited autonomy from direct governmental oversight. Higher education institutions have Academic Councils, and are chaired by the rector appointed by the government.
Azerbaijan is an upper-middle-income country with a population of about 10 million people. Since its independence, Azerbaijan experienced economic problems : the transition to a market economy, economic resource scarcity, and the dependence on socialist republics. After its independence, Azerbaijan started reforming its higher education system so that it is aligned with the new economic and political structure. Because of the economic decline and resource scarcity, Azerbaijan implemented reforms that advocate for market privatization and liberalization. In 2019, the higher education landscape consisted of 40 state and 12 non-state HEIs (the State Statistical Committee of the Republic of Azerbaijan [SSCRA], n.d.). State universities used to be subsidized by the government, whilst private universities did not use to receive any public funding. Six HEIs have a relatively higher degree of autonomy able to define the educational content, develop admission plans and award academic degrees and titles. The Academic Council is the primary governing body, chaired by the rector.
The Kyrgyz Republic, also called Kyrgyzstan, is a small, mountainous, landlocked country. The population of the Kyrgyz Republic is 6,500,000, with almost 35% of population under 15 years of age. The economy of Kyrgyzstan has faced an economic and financial crisis after the collapse of the Soviet Union. GDP per capita declined by almost 50%, from $1,096 in 1990 to $535 in 1995, and recovered to the 1990 level only in 2018. The higher education in Kyrgyzstan represents a very diversified system with 33 public and 40 private educational institutions as of 2020. As part of educational reforms, Kyrgyzstan aims to promote the principles of the Bologna Process. Kyrgyzstan’s 1992 Law "On Education" introduced tuition fees for students to study in higher education. The governance of higher education institutions varies based on the status of universities- public, private, or universities established based on international treaties/agreements. Most public higher education institutions are governed by the Academic Councils and headed by rectors of universities