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This chapter offers a description of the complex interaction between power and poverty in light of the portrayal of Jesus in the canonical gospels. His message of salvation, example of solidarity with the poor, and presence in the life of the church offer a direct challenge to impersonal systems of societal arrangement that promote injustice. The Gospels provide a striking testimony for and guide to the essential work of solidarity with the poor.
Power. Gender. Sustainability. This Element harnesses powerful new data about gender and sustainability, presents inspiring stories of empowerment, and introduces a framework for building empowerment muscles. First, from a pioneering global survey, it unveils three shocking truths about young women's empowerment. It also compiles significant data on systemic gender disempowerment intersecting environmental degradation, violence, and exclusion, as well as profound societal impact if girls and women were fully empowered. Second, from climate activist Greta Thunberg to the all girl Afghan robotics team, the #NeverAgain movement against gun violence, and the Hong Kong pro-democracy movement, today's empowered girls are a transformative force for change. Each modeling a distinct skill - an empowerment muscle - seven case studies present empowerment muscles of focus, solidarity, hope, courage, advocacy, endurance, and healing. Third, unlike most works using empowerment nebulously, this Element concretizes empowerment - a set of muscles each reader can build and strengthen through 'workout' training exercises.
This chapter will explore how the provisions governing best interests assessments ought to be reformed so as to better ensure that an agent’s authentic desires are being prioritised in decisions being taken about them. The starting point should be that the assessor ascertains ‘so far is reasonably practicable’ the individual’s wishes, feelings, beliefs, and values. This should then be supplemented by a presumption that the agent’s wishes and feelings will be determinative of what is in their best interests, except when giving effect to them will expose the person to a risk of significant harm. Even where the harms are significant, however, there will still be occasions where the agent’s wishes and feelings should nonetheless take precedence; where to do otherwise would involve frustrating their deeply and authentically held beliefs, values, or commitments. This chapter will highlight some of the potential considerations which ought to guide assessors in these circumstances. It will propose that assessors be provided with a list of factors that they must take into account when determining the degree of weight to be ascribed to the agent’s wishes, which reflect these considerations.
The foregoing discussion has highlighted the fundamental fragility of assessments of capacity, which hinge on a series of complex yet unavoidable clinical judgements about the person’s cognitive capacities and the origins of the beliefs or values that motivate their decision. This chapter will explore the implications of this for best interests assessments and, in particular, the extent to which due weight is currently being given to the person’s authentically held values and beliefs in the assessment of their best interests. Drawing on case law, interviews, and post-legislative scrutiny of the Mental Capacity Act, it will conclude that despite a number of empowering court decisions, the lack of direction contained in the Act on how to apply the MCA has still resulted in different weight being attributed to the agent’s wishes. Moreover, the trend towards greater empowerment has not yet trickled down to decisions being taken on the ground by doctors and care workers, which still remain characterised largely by paternalism and risk aversion. Those undertaking best interests assessments could therefore benefit from a more unified starting point and greater clarity on the factors which ought to influence the degree of weight accorded to the individual’s wishes.
Under what conditions will people be inclined to seek remedy when facing rights violations? While some socio-legal scholars have found structural position and/or the ideological macro-context to be the key factors shaping individuals’ legal consciousness, often inhibiting their pursuit of remedies, others contend that social experiences and political interventions, including participation in social movements, affect people’s willingness to demand redress. What happens, then, when a diffuse popular mobilization challenges a state’s fundamental normative framework and demands justice and rights for long-excluded sectors of the population? This article offers empirical and theoretical insights to these debates based on results from a nationally representative survey conducted in Chile at the height of such a mass political mobilization. In this context of widespread citizen engagement and collective claim-making, we find that participation in the protests and self-perceived knowledge of where to turn are statistically related to individuals’ professed willingness to pursue a formal remedy across two hypothetical rights violation scenarios. These findings suggest that participation in protests might have an empowerment effect on those who take part, even among disadvantaged groups, opening new avenues for research at the intersection of socio-legal and political participation studies.
Efforts to respond to women’s risk of domestic violence in India have resulted in two kinds of systemic responses. First, the formal or institutional response has focused on systems reforms to better meet the needs of survivors. Second, nongovernmental and grassroots responses to domestic violence have emphasized supporting survivors through survivor-centered and empowerment-based approaches. These include primary prevention through community activism aimed at transforming community norms, survivor empowerment, capacity-building, and community mobilization. This chapter describes an exemplary effort by “Shakti” (pseudonym), a grassroots agency based in India, to engage in community mobilization that facilitates psychological empowerment of survivors and community empowerment processes to respond to domestic violence in rural communities in the Delhi National Capital Region, India. The case example draws on data collected by the authors in 2017. Community organizing efforts like those described in this chapter along with individual-level work with survivors can together play an important role in fueling counter-narratives that facilitate disclosure of violence and support survivors.
This book is about ways that people can build and exercise power to influence the systems that affect their lives. Each chapter provides a deep examination of a different approach. This introductory chapter begins with a discussion on definitions of empowerment and then lays out five perspectives that orient the contributions in the book. It then describes the structure and contents of the book, which are organized into six parts: (1) organizing and activism, (2) participatory governance, (3) civil society and coalitions, (4) enterprise, (5) participatory and community arts, and (6) education and engaged research. This is followed by reflections on the book’s scope and potential uses by different audiences.
Dominant representations of youth in postapartheid South Africa have tended to portray a politically apathetic cohort, especially in comparison to prior generations. Yet, how did a cohort that is “disengaged” and “not committed to democracy” end up organizing a powerful national movement that led to a swift policy change? In this chapter, we address this gap by examining the ways in which youth have, and continue to be, active political agents within South African communities. Through examining two noteworthy cases of contemporary youth organizing – Equal Education and the Fallists movements – this chapter demonstrates the ways in which youth continue to exercise collective agency and enact social change. Given that evidence from electoral returns and survey evidence have suggested political disengagement among youth, we argue that understanding shifts in community power that arise from empowerment processes linked to youth organizing holds promise for more productive theorization of young people’s political action and illuminates creative ways of advancing participatory democracy. We conclude by considering the implications for youth movements and scholarship about youth activism.
Participatory art, such as performing arts or visual arts, design, and craft, can be transformative in its ability to expose current systems of oppression while also providing a conceptual avenue for imagining and planning a different system. This chapter will describe how participatory arts may create a unique opportunity for youth empowerment and will discuss how participatory arts have the opportunity to address potential barriers to empowerment. With this chapter we aim to provide an overview of the empowerment process for youth with marginalized identities. We use a case example of a community-based program focused on drama therapy and theatrical performances, 2nd Act, to demonstrate how this type of participatory arts programming can be especially valuable for youth with additional vulnerabilities such as addiction and mental health recovery. Finally, we review how the literature on participatory arts using drama and theater demonstrates the capacity for these methods to enable broader community-level engagement and empowerment.
Community-engaged research (CEnR) has moved from the fringes to the mainstream of academic research, particularly that which orients to goals of social, racial, and health equity. The construct of empowerment, which encompasses interconnected processes at the level of the individual, the organization, and the community, can be used to understand the mechanisms by which CEnR may contribute to improvements in equity and justice. This chapter introduces and describes a conceptual model for empowerment in CEnR that synthesizes ideas and empirical advances from community psychology and public health. We use the model to examine the processes by which social power can be built and exercised through CEnR at multiple levels of analysis, suggesting that the power that comes from community-led and grassroots community organizing processes has the greatest significance for equity-based CEnR and ultimately for goals of equity- and justice-focused social change.
The field of youth organizing emerged in the 1990s, as nonprofit organizations began engaging low-income youth of color, aged thirteen to nineteen, in political education and community organizing work while also providing developmental supports, such as academic tutoring and mental health resources. Over the last thirty years, the field has expanded rapidly. This chapter discusses the unique features of youth organizing and identifies trends in the field, including the growth in different kinds of youth organizing groups, the rise of coalitions, and changes in the demographic makeup of participants. It then presents a case description of a long-standing youth organizing group, Asian/Pacific Islander Youth Promoting Advocacy and Leadership (AYPAL), based in Oakland, California. Next, the chapter reviews the literature addressing how youth organizing promotes the psychological empowerment of its participants and builds community power situationally, institutionally, and systemically. It concludes by highlighting the implications of this research and suggesting opportunities for future scholarship.
Youth-infused community coalitions engage youth and adults in addressing complex issues at the local level. Coalitions tend to engage young people when the issues they address pertain to the youth population in their community. This chapter provides an example of a youth-infused community coalition located in Appalachian Ohio that seeks to promote the health and well-being of community members. Youth engage directly with adults on the coalition to review data, identify root causes of problems in their community, and implement strategies to address these issues. We detail how participating in youth-infused community coalitions facilitates the growth and development of youth and their communities and then identify three features critical to facilitating community power and psychological empowerment in youth-infused community coalitions: member representation, decision-making processes, and opportunity role structure.
Gender–sexuality alliances (GSAs) are school-based clubs that provide space for LGBTQ+ youth and their heterosexual cisgender peer allies to socialize, build community, provide social-emotional support, access LGBTQ+-affirming resources, and advocate against discrimination. In this chapter, we review the historical underpinnings of GSAs; their contemporary roles in schools; the ways in which GSAs harness their collective power to advocate and promote social justice for LGBTQ+ people; the ways in which youth experience empowerment through their GSA involvement; and how GSA research can be used by school administrators, GSA advisors, and youth leaders. Finally, we highlight avenues for future research that could further aid GSAs in their aspirations to promote thriving among their members and social justice in their schools.
Power and empowerment are critical topics for social change. This handbook maps out ways that people can collectively engage with, influence, and change systems that affect their lives, particularly the systems that maintain inequality and oppression. It includes in-depth examinations of a variety of approaches to building and exercising community power in local organizations, institutions, and settings. Each chapter examines a particular approach, critically engaging with contemporary research on how and when collective action can be most effective at producing change within communities and societal systems. By examining a range of approaches in diverse contexts, this book provides new insights for scholars, practitioners, and engaged resident-leaders aiming to be more precise, strategic, and innovative in their efforts to build and sustain community power. It is the ideal resource for those working with community groups to build more just and equitable systems.
In the concluding Chapter 6, I suggest other inquiries unfold when we take seriously the notion of the citizen as free and empowered. The approach to freedom and power developed throughout these chapters provides another way to interpret and understand Athenian political thought from the ground up. Recognizing democratic freedom as autonomy calls for a reassessment of ancient critiques of that freedom, such as Plato’s criticisms in the Republic. Likewise, expanding our view of power beyond power over others in order to allow multiple, simultaneous agents with the power to act uncovers often overlooked individuals with power, such as women and metics. In terms of modernity, democratic freedom offers a form of liberty before liberalism separate from republican or neo-Roman conceptions that is still able to protect a multiplicity of individual values.
This chapter considers the role of social identities in processing, responding to and recovering from traumatic experiences. Two possible mechanisms are outlined. The first is that trauma reveals the value of existing social identities, which drives post-traumatic growth. The second relates to the sense of connection that can emerge amongst victims of trauma that allows new social identities to develop. Where collective post-traumatic growth occurs, people can develop insight, or collective consciousness, into how their traumatic experiences are tied to their group membership. This understanding of the systematic and patterned nature of trauma not only enables connections between those affected but also facilitates resistance to problematic and oppressive systems and structures. This chapter concludes by highlighting the potential for trauma, because of its identity-based consequences, to be a force for positive social change.
This chapter shared Black youth’s perspectives on how civic organizations helped develop their agency and sustain their changemaking over time. Civic organizations supported youth in developing agency through: (1) seeing impact from their civic actions; (2) taking ownership of their civic work; (3) gaining critical knowledge; (4) feeling encouraged by adults; and (5) being in community with other Black people. Any civic organization that works with youth has the potential to create these opportunities for Black youth, but Black-centered organizations play an especially valuable role in offering safe spaces for Black youth to use their voices, opportunities for gaining critical knowledge about Black history, and opportunities for building community with other Black people. Service organizations offered opportunities to see immediate tangible impacts through helping others and taking ownership within organizational structures, and in contrast, advocacy organizations offered opportunities to see impact over a longer term and amplified youth voice to community audiences. Despite these distinctions, youth experienced opportunities to build agency across both service and advocacy organizations.
Existing research on the rise of precarious forms of employment has paid little attention to gender and diversity challenges. Yet precarious work has damaging effects for vulnerable demographics, with women, ethnic minorities, and people with disabilities more considerably affected. This volume unpacks this research and offers insights into the role of organisations in fostering inclusive change.
This chapter addresses the key question that should guide all social research, namely, what is it for? It argues that all research serves human interests, whether technocratic, hermeneutic, or emancipatory. Traditionally, technocratic research interests have been dominant. But, this chapter argues, a pragmatist approach to methodology foregrounds emancipatory research – which enables people to increase the domains of possibility within their lives.
Chapter 10 takes stock of the evidence and looks ahead at the long-run implications of women’s political inclusion for broader processes of development and social change. It argues that women’s political inclusion hinges on their ability to navigate resistance and co-optation. If they are able to achieve real political representation, it suggests it is likely to yield important changes to governance and development more broadly.