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Chapter 8 summarizes findings and reviews the implications of previous chapters, including health and safety considerations related to screen time and online interaction. Specifically, it recapitulates guidelines on how to fit gaming and written online interaction into children’s lives in a balanced, principled way, to promote safe, collaborative learning with other children and adults. These guidelines also summarize previously discussed criteria for selecting and setting up appropriate videogame and social media interaction to maximize learning benefits and safety. These include the introduction of developmental guidelines and goals for video games, as there are for children’s books, to provide appropriate scaffolded support for children, including for the development of children’s first and additional languages. Suggestions for conducting further research using conversation analysis in this area are also discussed, to cover a range of similar digital contexts and age groups.
This chapter begins with a discussion of Avishai Margalit’s misrecognition-based theory of political humiliation. For Margalit, humiliation is primarily understood as the culpable denial of self-respect. Margalit notes that political humiliation usually takes one of three forms – removing people from the human community (as when we liken them to animals), the negation of control (as in torture), and ignoring or looking through others. After providing an account of this theory, we argue that Margalit does not sufficiently consider the contagious nature of political humiliation nor the possibility that the feeling might be present even when recognition is offered or, conversely, that we might be humiliated even by those whose recognition we don’t want. We also look at the conceptual differences between humiliation, shame, and embarrassment. We note that despite these clear differences the way these emotions are experienced sometimes feels similar. We conclude the chapter with a discussion of the effect of technology and, in particular, social media on the character of contemporary political humiliations.
Children spend a significant amount of time interacting online rather than face-to-face. Yet we know very little about the language they use during interaction, whether they are gaming or texting. Drawing on cutting-edge research, this timely book applies Conversation Analysis (CA) techniques to investigate children's online language and interaction. Tudini provides a step-by-step analysis of authentic posts made by children on social media, messaging apps and gaming platforms, highlighting linguistic and interactional features. The book addresses the risks inherent in children's online interaction and the role of protective adults, yet also celebrates children's linguistic creativity and ability to adapt to new forms of communication. It also provides principled advice on how to support children in integrating online interaction into their lives productively and safely, to assist parents and teachers. Addressing a highly topical area, it is essential reading for students and researchers of applied linguistics, communication, education and sociology.
Smartphones and social media have considerably transformed adolescents’ media engagement. Adolescents consume, create, and share media content anywhere, anytime, and with anyone, often beyond parents’ oversight. Parents try to keep track of their adolescents’ media use by employing control, surveillance, and solicitation. This chapter explores the prevalence and predictors of such monitoring strategies, and their effectiveness in managing adolescents’ media use and shaping the potential consequences of adolescents’ media use for their mental health. In addition, the chapter discusses parents’ use of digital media for monitoring adolescents’ nonmedia activities, such as the use of location-tracking applications. Overall, evidence regarding the prevalence, predictors, and effectiveness of parental media monitoring is limited and inconclusive. The chapter underscores the need for refining conceptualizations of media monitoring. Moreover, it highlights the importance of understanding the effectiveness of media monitoring within an ever-evolving digital world.
This is an Element book about stand-up comedy and public speech. It focuses on the controversies generated when the distinction between the two breaks down, when stand-upenters – or is pushed – into the public sphere and is interpreted according to the scripts that govern popular political and media rhetoric rather than the traditional generic conventions of comic performance. These controversies raise a larger set of questions about the comedian's public role. They draw attention to the intention of jokes and their effects in the world. And they force us to consider how the limits of comic performance – what can be said, by whom, and why – respond to, and can reshape, public discourse across changing media contexts.
Armed conflict presents a multitude of risks to civilians, prisoners of war and others caught in the middle of hostilities. Harmful information spreading on social media compounds such risks in a variety of tangible ways, from potentially influencing acts that cause physical harm to undermining a person's financial stability, contributing to psychological distress, spurring social ostracization and eroding societal trust in evidentiary standards, among many others. Despite this span of risks, no typology exists that maps the full range of such harms. This article attempts to fill this gap, proposing a typology of harms related to the spread of harmful information on social media platforms experienced by persons affected by armed conflict. Developed using real-world examples, it divides potential harm into five categories: harms to life and physical well-being, harms to economic or financial well-being, harms to psychological well-being, harms to social inclusion or cultural well-being, and society-wide harms. After detailing each component of the typology, the article concludes by laying out several implications, including the need to view harmful information as a protection risk, the importance of a conflict-specific approach to harmful information, the relevance of several provisions under international law, and the possible long-term consequences for societies from harmful information.
The information used for this typology is based entirely on open-source reporting covering acts that occurred during armed conflict and that were seemingly related to identified harmful information on social media platforms or messaging applications. The authors did not verify any reported incidents or information beyond what was included in cited sources. Throughout the article, sources have been redacted from citations where there is a risk of reprinting harmful information or further propagating it, and where redaction was necessary to avoid the impression that the authors were attributing acts to particular groups or actors.
The focus of this chapter is on how language policies are resisted. The chapter begins by articulating in a theoretical and practical way what resistance to language policy looks like, particularly from a discursive point of view. It concludes with a case study of resistance to language policy in an online forum for non-local teachers of English in Thailand, highlighting the entanglements between resistance to limits on what ‘named languages’ could be used and a broader struggle to overcome a hegemonic racial ideology around the concept of ‘native speaker’.
To characterize the nature of digital food and beverage advertising in Singapore
Setting:
Food and beverage advertisements within 20 clicks on top 12 non-food websites and all posts on Facebook and Instagram pages of 15 major food companies in Singapore were sampled from January 1 to June 30, 2018.
Design:
Advertised foods were classified as being core (healthier), non-core or mixed-dishes (example burger) using the WHO nutrient profile model and national guidelines. Marketing techniques were assessed using published coding frameworks.
Participants: NA
Results:
Advertisements (n=117) on the 12 non-food websites were largely presented as editorial content. Food companies posted twice weekly on average on social media sites (n=1261), with eatery-chains posting most frequently and generating largest amount of likes and shares. Key marketing techniques emphasized non-health attributes for example hedonic or convenience attributes (85% of advertisements). Only a minority of foods and beverages advertised were core foods (non-food website:16.2%; social media: 13.5%).
Conclusions:
Top food and beverage companies in Singapore actively use social media as a platform for promotion with a complex array of marketing techniques. A vast majority of these posts were unhealthy highlighting an urgent need to consider regulating digital food and beverage advertising in Singapore.
This research examines how Beijing uses social media to publicize donations and engage in nation branding as it responds to the global backlash sparked by Covid-19. It argues that self-reports of medical donations aim to enhance China’s national brand, leading to an expectation that reports about donations will primarily target countries more severely affected by the virus. To test its claims, the research analyzes over 55,000 tweets published by Chinese diplomatic missions. The results—controlled for Chinese donation exports—show a positive and significant relationship between self-reports of medical donations and the host’s spread of Covid-19. In contrast, donations are not correlated with political or economic allies. A comparison of government (CCP, ministries, etc.) and non-government donors (immigrants, firms, etc.) shows that only donations by the latter are positively correlated with the spread of the virus. This research advances our knowledge of Chinese diplomats’ online political behavior.
This chapter discusses the different subgroups of Sanhe gods – day laborers, job intermediaries, and gambling dogs – and their experiences of becoming precarious to varying degrees. It also explores the space of the urban village that sustains the everyday life of Sanhe gods, providing them with food, shelter, clothing, showering, pawning, and other types of goods and services. It ends with a discussion on the subculture of Sanhe gods and its presence on the internet.
This Element endeavors to enrich and broaden Southeast Asian research by exploring the intricate interplay between social media and politics. Employing an interdisciplinary approach and grounded in extensive longitudinal research, the study uncovers nuanced political implications, highlighting the platform's dual role in both fostering grassroots activism and enabling autocratic practices of algorithmic politics, notably in electoral politics. It underscores social media's alignment with communicative capitalism, where algorithmic marketing culture overshadows public discourse, and perpetuates affective binary mobilization that benefits both progressive and regressive grassroots activism. It can facilitate oppositional forces but is susceptible to authoritarian capture. The rise of algorithmic politics also exacerbates polarization through algorithmic enclaves and escalates disinformation, furthering autocraticizing trends. Beyond Southeast Asia, the Element provides analytical and conceptual frameworks to comprehend the mutual algorithmic/political dynamics amidst the contestation between progressive forces and the autocratic shaping of technological platforms.
Small claim. Regulation 861/2007 (European Small Claims Procedure Regulation). Unfair term in terms of service agreement. Breach of contract through shadowbanning. Infringement on Articles 12 and 17 of Regulation 2022/2065 (Digital Services Act).
Originating from a unique partnership between data scientists (datavaluepeople) and peacebuilders (Build Up), this commentary explores an innovative methodology to overcome key challenges in social media analysis by developing customized text classifiers through a participatory design approach, engaging both peace practitioners and data scientists. It advocates for researchers to focus on developing frameworks that prioritize being usable and participatory in field settings, rather than perfect in simulation. Focusing on a case study investigating the polarization within online Christian communities in the United States, we outline a testing process with a dataset consisting of 8954 tweets and 10,034 Facebook posts to experiment with active learning methodologies aimed at enhancing the efficiency and accuracy of text classification. This commentary demonstrates that the inclusion of domain expertise from peace practitioners significantly refines the design and performance of text classifiers, enabling a deeper comprehension of digital conflicts. This collaborative framework seeks to transition from a data-rich, analysis-poor scenario to one where data-driven insights robustly inform peacebuilding interventions.
This chapter introduces social scientific perspectives and methods applicable to observing the relationship between artificial intelligence (AI) and religion. It discusses the contributions that anthropological and sociological approaches can make to this entanglement of two modern social phenomena while also drawing attention to the inherent biases and perspectives that both fields bring with them due to their histories. Examples of research on religion and AI are highlighted, especially when they demonstrate agile and new methodologies for engaging with AI in its many applications; including but not limited to online worlds, multimedia formats, games, social media and the new spaces made by technological innovation such as the innovations such as the platforms underpinning the gig economy. All these AI-enabled spaces can be entangled with religious and spiritual conceptions of the world. This chapter also aims to expand upon the relationship between AI and religion as it is perceived as a general concept or object within human society and civilisation. It explains how both anthropology and sociology can provide frameworks for conceptualising that relationship and give us ways to account for our narratives of secularisation – informed by AI development – that see religion as a remnant of a prior, less rational stage of human civilisation.
This chapter concludes the book and considers its major theoretical and practical implications. It begins by exploring how the book pushes us to think about fake news and factual misperceptions as an important “layer” of war – a layer that has been largely neglected despite the burgeoning attention to these issues in other domains. This final chapter then examines what the book’s findings tell us about such topics as the psychology and behavior of civilian populations, the duration of armed conflicts, the feasibility of prevailing counterinsurgency models, and the depths and limits of misperceptions more broadly in social and political life. It also engages with the practical implications of the book for policymakers, journalists, activists, and ordinary politically engaged citizens in greater depth, exploring how the problems outlined in the research might also be their own solutions. Ultimately, this chapter shows how the book has something to offer to anyone who is interested in the dynamics of truth and falsehood in violent conflicts (and beyond) – and perhaps the beginnings of a framework for those who would like to cultivate more truth.
For over two decades, political communication research has hailed the potentially reinvigorating effect of social media on democracy. Social media was expected to provide new opportunities for people to learn about politics and public affairs, and to participate politically. Building on two systematic literature reviews on social media, and its effects on political participation and knowledge (2000–2020), and introducing empirical evidence drawing on four original US survey data that expands for over a decade (2009–2020), this Element contends that social media has only partially fulfilled this tenet, producing a Social Media Democracy Mirage. That is, social media have led to a socio-political paradox in which people are more participatory than ever, yet not necessarily more informed.
This article examines the information sharing behavior of U.S. politicians and the mass public by mapping the ideological sharing space of political news on social media. As data, we use the near-universal currency of online information exchange: web links. We introduce a methodological approach and software to unify the measurement of ideology across social media platforms by using sharing data to jointly estimate the ideology of news media organizations, politicians, and the mass public. Empirically, we show that (1) politicians who share ideologically polarized content share, by far, the most political news and commentary and (2) that the less competitive elections are, the more likely politicians are to share polarized information. These results demonstrate that news and commentary shared by politicians come from a highly unrepresentative set of ideologically extreme legislators and that decreases in election pressures (e.g., by gerrymandering) may encourage polarized sharing behavior.
We introduce a dynamic dataset of all communications by state election officials (EOs) on social media during the 2022 election cycle and develop metrics to assess the effectiveness of trust-building strategies on voter confidence. We employ quantitative manual content analysis of 10,000 organic posts from 118 state EOs’ accounts on Facebook, Instagram, and Twitter between September 10 and November 30, 2022, and code for the presence of variables that measure EOs’ efforts to combat misinformation and build trusted networks of communications. The measures we present here address two questions: (1) How much coordination was there among states in terms of incorporating the #TrustedInfo2022 campaign, promoted by the National Association of Secretaries of State, in their social media communications, and (2) How much of states’ social media communications explicitly signaled that EOs are trusted sources of information? We demonstrate the applicability of our data on research that evaluates the impact of trust-building campaigns on voter confidence in elections, which is grounded on theories of deliberative democracy and democratic listening.
We analyze a cache of tweets from partisan users concerning the confirmation hearings of Justices Brett Kavanaugh, Amy Coney Barrett, and Ketanji Brown Jackson. Using these original data, we investigate how Twitter users with partisan leanings interact with judicial nominations and confirmations. We find that these users tend to exhibit behavior consistent with offline partisan dynamics. Our analysis reveals that Democrats and Republicans express distinct emotional responses based on the alignment of nominees with their respective parties. Additionally, our study highlights the active participation of partisans in promoting politically charged topics throughout the confirmation process, starting from the vacancy stage.