It is a very bold individual indeed who will suggest ideas concerning descriptive methods pointing toward a system for the simplification of classifications for archaeological artifacts. The chief difficulty in the way of arriving at simplified classifications lies in the great diversity of irregular forms. Consequently, the problem becomes so intricate, so full of pitfalls, that one is apt to become lost in a maze of detail out of which there is but slight possiblity of gathering together and properly grouping the essentials.

Whether the subject be axes, celts, gorgets, projectile points or any one of the many groups of artifacts, we must recognize at the very start that there are certain forms which almost defy description.

Bettinger and Baumhoff proposed an explanation for the spread of Numic language groups in the prehistoric Great Basin by appeal to models of optimal foraging and the processes of adaptive competition. In an effort to continue their discussion, I offer comments on their selection and use of Great Basin archaeological evidence, and their use of optimal foraging models. Finally, I identify other problems amenable to their general perspective.

Data from recent excavations in central, northern, and northeastern Utah, and in the southwestern Wyoming Basin, have prompted a reevaluation of current concepts of the ethnic and cultural origins of the Fremont culture centered in Utah, of its relationships to the Promontory culture of northern Utah, and of the relationship of both these cultures to protohistoric Central Plains culture.

The long-standing interpretation of the Fremont as a northern “peripheral” variant of the Southwestern Anasazi culture is discarded, and a hypothesis of a Northwestern Plains (probably Athabaskan) population partially acculturated to the Anasazi Pueblo pattern is proposed. Additionally, identity of the so-called Promontory culture with the northern Utah variant of the Fremont culture is postulated on evidence from sites in northern Utah. It is suggested that the Fremont culture drifted back onto the Central Plains around approximately A.D. 1400-1600, under pressure from the Shoshonean expansion out of the Great Basin, to become the forerunner of the Dismal River culture, which has been attributed to the Athabaskan Plains Apache.

A unique grinding tool, termed a "gyratory crusher," was developed very early in Phase I of the Amargosan-Pinacateño occupation of the Sierra Pinacate, an isolated ecological and archaeological enclave in extreme north-western Sonora, Mexico. The gyratory crusher resembles a perforated mortar, either in slab or block form, in which a wooden pestle with a projection extending through the perforation in the mortar base was gyrated, the projection providing leverage against the under rim of the hole, to grind mesquite pods. The crusher underwent modification, and its use seems to have been discontinued with the disappearance of mesquite forests at the end of the Yuman I period, about A.D. 1100-1200. A few similar tools are reported late in time in the western Sierra Madre, Mexico, and also from early horizons in Iran and Israel. Recognition of the tool type may extend its known distribution in both the New World and the Old World.

Pollen grains have recently been found in quantities sufficient for statistical analysis in the sediments of Ramanote Cave, Santa Cruz County, Arizona (Arizona: DD:12:1 Amerind Survey System). At the suggestion of Terah L. Smiley of the University of Arizona the samples were collected by Charles C. DiPeso of the Amerind Foundation, Inc., in the summer of 1953. The author is indebted to Edwin B. Kurtz, Jr., and to the Botany Department, College of Agriculture, University of Arizona, for the use of laboratory facilities. Because many cultural materials have been found in cave deposits and many cave explorations are now in progress, this preliminary report is intended to point out the necessity of collecting samples for pollen analysis during the progress of archaeological investigations.

Peat bogs have long been known as ideal deposits for pollen studies due to high pollen frequencies and excellent conditions for preservation.

This Article is intended less as a descriptive piece on the archaeology of the Rimac Valley than it is as a single-valley application of various conclusions reached by Richard P. Schaedel in his Major Ceremonial and Population Centers in Northern Peru (1951). Schaedel, in a broad synthetic study of major ruins on the North Coast of Peru, comes to several interesting conclusions on the “urban revolution” in that region. The author, who was already engaged in a survey of the Rimac, with the focus on the coastal cultures from sea level to the 1000-meter line, felt impelled to shift the emphasis of his survey from straight description to a Central Coast application of Schaedel's North Coast findings. This was a fairly easy task, as the sites were already being analyzed both architecturally and ceramically.

The Rimac, the “valley of Lima,” presents sufficient of both typical and atypical features of a Peruvian coastal valley to make the application of Schaedel's theories to a single valley at least fairly indicative of their validity for the entire Peruvian coast.

This paper presents a multivariate statistical and spatial analysis of rock art site content and composition for the Didima Gorge, KwaZulu-Natal, South Africa. In presenting an experimental set of methodological approaches, the paper attempts to identify categories of rock art sites based on their image content and other archaeological characteristics, and then explores how these types might have related to various social, religious, and economic contexts in the past. The paper finds evidence for three kinds of rock art site use in the Didima Gorge: (1) large residential "home bases" that were centers of economic activity, (2) large unoccupied sites that were special locations for ritual activities, which the paper argues were sometimes the locations of puberty initiation, and (3) small isolated sites that were locations of private magical activities done by lone individuals. The central theme of this study is that there is clear evidence for diversity in terms of the contexts in which rock art sites in the Didima Gorge formed, and that no single account is adequate for their explanation.

Dr. McKern's recent remarks on “Taxonomy and the Direct Historical Approach” serve, though no doubt unintentionally, as a red herring to my plea for the importance of the direct historical approach. Since much attention has been devoted recently to the matter of research tools in anthropology and the social sciences, I should like to comment briefly on what seems to me increasing confusion of tools, methods, approaches, and theories in archaeology. For I do not conceive the direct historical approach to be a tool. And I am not wholly clear how the taxonomic method is a tool adapted to further a historical objective.

There are two general levels or types of procedure in archaeology: collecting and interpreting data. Much is said about the permanent solidity of sacred fact and the ephemeral nature of theory. But facts are totally without significance and may even be said not to exist without reference to theory.

In view of the demonstrated value of small-scale site replicas to archaeological field training, a full-scale experimental site was constructed and shown to be of value in training personnel in archaeological techniques and in investigating various problems of archaeological field procedure. This site, built on the Santa Barbara campus of the University of California, was excavated by student groups ranging from junior high school through college who had differing amounts of previous field experience. The effect of age and experience on recovery efficiency and depth of interpretation was studied, as well as the reactions of students to excavation of an artificial construct, and in the case of those with no previous experience, to archaeological field work in general.

In addition to that section of the site devoted to problems connected with instruction, a section was designed to investigate a series of relatively simple methodological problems. Problems of stratigraphy, seriation, and relationship between size of artifact, soil color and texture, and excavation technique were investigated, with successful results. Such a site has great utility in field instruction, where its superiority over certain natural sites can be demonstrated, and in controlled investigation of various excavation and interpretive techniques. Such a site is relatively easy to construct, and the Santa Barbara laboratory site is now a continuing project.

A collection of nonhuman, mammalian osteological materials from 12 archaeological sites was examined. The sites range in age from Circle Prairie phase (about A.D. 1) through Point of Pines phase (about A.D. 1450). A total of 3282 individual bones and 29 complete skeltons was identified to genus, and to species whenever possible. An additional 348 bones were identified to the ordinal level only. A comparison of the 26 genera identified from the archaeological material with the mammals known historically from this area shows a striking continuity between past and present. Odocoileus and Antilocapra bones were analyzed for ratio of adults to juveniles, and for the relative numbers of the various members of the skeleton. These analyses were made to gain information on the hunting habits of the prehistoric inhabitants. Bones of a pathological artiodactyl wrist are discussed.

The concept of coalescent communities has been widely used by North American archaeologists as a framework for understanding cultural responses to social upheaval. In this article we explore how the concept of coalescence helps us understand the processes that led to the emergence of aggregated settlements in the Albuquerque district of the central Rio Grande Valley around the turn of the fourteenth century. We argue that such communities emerged as strategic local responses to disruptive social and demographic trends on a macroregional scale. Specifically, we use NAA and petrographic sourcing of Western Pueblo- and Rio Grande-style glaze-painted pottery in conjunction with settlement data from the site of Tijeras Pueblo (LA581) to explore how the amalgamation of immigrant and autochthonous people, technology, knowledge, and ritual creatively and radically transformed local and regional practices of community and identity formation.

Any relative nutritional differences among the diverse maize (Zea mays L.) landraces traditionally maintained in the Greater Southwest are little understood. In this article, we investigate a range of nutritional traits of five indigenous maize landraces in the US Southwest based on different kernel endosperm types: pop, flour, flint, dent, and sweet. We present macronutrient and micronutrient values for accessions of each landrace grown in the same environmental grow-out experiment. Macronutrient values vary considerably across these endosperm accessions. Sweet and flour maize had higher values of fat and protein, whereas dent had the highest carbohydrate content. Sweet and flour maize were comparatively the best sources of micronutrients. Sweet maize yielded the highest values of potassium, thiamin, and magnesium, and flour kernels had the highest riboflavin and niacin content. These results indicate that the maintenance of diverse maize landraces had nutritional as well as ecological, symbolic, and culinary value in both the past and today. Compared to modern commercial maize standards, traditional southwestern maize landraces had a somewhat higher caloric value, many had higher vitamin and mineral content, and all accessions but dent displayed higher protein values. This suggests that southwestern maize-focused diets that included diverse landraces may have been more nutritious than previously understood.

Tree-ring data from the Canyon Creek Ruin, east-central Arizona, are analyzed to evaluate two competing interpretations of pueblo growth at this well-preserved cliff dwelling. Despite an anomalous dating pattern, a logistic model best describes pueblo growth. Room construction activity is linked to population increase, which, in turn, may be divided into two varieties: natural increase, and immigration of households into the settlement. Logistic growth also accounts for population increase within the larger area of the Grasshopper region. I review the processes promoting both local and regional population increase, as well as subsequent abandonment of the mountains of Arizona. I suggest that rapid depopulation may have occurred after A.D. 1375 because late prehistoric communities lost access to nonlocal goods that had previously allowed populations to increase beyond local resource constraints.

A response is presented to the comment by Bailey et al. on the determination of seasonality of mollusk collecting using O-18 profiles of midden shells. Profiles were measured on two species of intertidal mollusks (Tegula funebralis and Collisella limatula) to provide further evidence for the applicability of the technique to seasonality studies.

An artifact ascribed to the Anasazi culture (dated here to 920 ± 35 B.P.) is unique in its integrity, construction technique, style, and materials, including multiple yucca ropes with attached adult scarlet macaw feathers joined to a Sciurus aberti (tassel-eared squirrel) pelt and hide straps. We applied methods from anthropology and molecular biology to ascertain the origins of materials and manufacturing technique. The cytochrome b gene from the ancient DNA of the pelt was sequenced in its entirety. This gene was unique as defined by new nucleotide substitutions that distinguished it from the other S. aberti alleles. Phylogenetic trees constructed by both neighbor-joining and maximum parsimony methods are consistent with this unique allele being most closely related to genes from two extant American Southwest S. aberti subspecies and more distantly related to Mexican S. aberti genes. Our observations support the conclusion that the entire artifact was constructed in the American Southwest using native materials, including the squirrel pelt and scarlet macaw feathers. This contradicts a prior hypothesis that the feather rope component was assembled before being traded north from Mexico.

This report demonstrates recourse to homophony in ancient Maya script, illustrating the generalization of signs on the basis of their phonetic values, apart from their primary semantic values. It focuses on substitutions, in eight glyphic contexts, of signs for “sky,” the number “four,” and “snake,” the words for which are homophonous or nearly homophonous in most Mayan languages. A final, unique glyphic context exhibits the use of homophony in a spelling of Kukulcan's name from the classic period.

Douglas Bamforth's recent paper in American Antiquity, “Evidence and Metaphor in Evolutionary Archaeology,” charges that Darwinism has little to offer archaeology except in a metaphorical sense. Specifically, Bamforth claims that arguments that allegedly link evolutionary processes to the archaeological record are unsustainable. Given Bamforth's narrow view of evolution—that it must be defined strictly in terms of changes in gene frequency—he is correct. But no biologist or paleontologist would agree with Bamforth"s claim that evolution is a process that must he viewed fundamentally at the microlevel. Evolutionary archaeology has argued that materials in the archaeological record are phenotypic in the same way that hard parts of organisms are. Thus changes in the frequencies of archaeological variants can be used to monitor the effects of selection and drift on the makers and users of those materials. Bamforth views this extension of the human phenotype as metaphorical because to him artifacts are not somatic features, meaning their production and use are not entirely controlled by genetic transmission. He misses the critical point that in terms of evolution, culture is as significant a transmission system as genes are. There is nothing metaphorical about viewing cultural transmission from a Darwinian point of view.

We recently demonstrated that prey size is not a reliable predictor of post-encounter return rates for resources Martu hunters regularly handle in Australia’s Western Desert (Bird et al. 2009). Ugan and Simms are skeptical of our calculations of these returns, especially in our inclusion of tracking as pursuit time. Here we review how these variables were recorded and calculated, update the analysis with more data, and clarify the importance of prey mobility and pursuit failures for understanding the contexts of hunting decisions and their archaeological implications.

A bottom-up approach based in structuralism and Marxism cast in the "old language of rights" is used to explain traditional Hawaiian import of metric tons of poor-quality oven stone to the Waimanalo Plain, and to explain decline in the traditional use of tree firewood. The presence of poor-quality oven stones and the pattern of tree firewood use are linked to a long-term decline in the importance of rights of person and a concomitant increase of rights of property associated with the demise of lineage organization and the development of social stratification. It is argued that a bottom-up approach is more productive in the current archaeological situation than a top-down approach based in functionalism and neoevolutionary theory.

In order to appreciate a given culture or phase of culture at one point in time it is important to have a knowledge of the possibilities that are open to its bearers through the environment. An awareness of the environment and its changes is even more important in order to understand the dynamics of the culture history of any area. It is with this objective, a more complete knowledge of the climate of a particular region with an attempt at understanding its culture history, that this paper has been written.