Current evidence suggests that Indigenous farmers in the North American Southwest began canal irrigation in the second millennium BC, marking an important change in food production technology. Early canal systems are preserved in alluvial floodplains of the US-Mexico Borderlands region, tend to be deeply buried, and can appear as natural fluvial features. Here I discuss some of the challenges in identifying early canals and associated fields and present case studies from the Santa Cruz River in southern Arizona where buried channels dating as early as 1600–1400 BC were likely human constructed. These small channels share several stratigraphic properties and are consistent with hypotheses of early canal irrigation practiced by small family groups reliant on mixed farming and foraging. Through time, irrigation canal systems expanded in size, resulting in increased labor investment, sedentism, and productivity and facilitating the development of larger irrigation communities. Stratigraphic and geomorphic properties of early canal systems thus far identified along the Santa Cruz River provide a framework for identifying potential early canal evidence in other fine-grained floodplains of the Southwest, thereby improving our understanding of Indigenous agricultural intensification.

The origins and evolution of market-based economies remain poorly understood in part because the data from nascent markets are scarce and methods available to archaeologists are underdeveloped. Studying how markets evolved is vital for understanding the origins of a process that dominates modern economies around the world and has significant policy implications. We show how refining abstract models of exchange networks with household-scale distributional analyses and regional-scale computational agent-based models (ABMs) can lead to new understandings about the organization of a prehistoric economy. The Sedentary-period Hohokam of central Arizona—particularly for the middle Sacaton phase (A.D. 1020–1100)—have been identified as a middle-range society that traded pottery in a market-based economy, but the structure of their exchange networks is not well understood. We analyzed ceramic data from recent archaeological excavations at two sites in the Phoenix Basin using new network-inspired distributional approaches to evaluate exchange systems. Initial results were then assessed using simulated data generated by an ABM of Hohokam exchange networks. Final results indicated that the best-fitting ABM model configurations were those consistent with openly accessed market-based exchange and contributed new insights into the influence of natural landscape barriers such as the Salt River on exchange in the Phoenix Basin.

Plumbate, a distinctive ceramic of the Early Postclassic, has been thought to have been manufactured in the Pacific region of Guatemala and traded throughout Mesoamerica and Central America. Two aberrant types of Plumbate found in Late Classic contexts in Veracruz and Early Postclassic contexts in central El Salvador suggest that the origins and spread of Plumbate or Plumbate techniques may be more complex.

The literature to 1979 on North American Indian rock art has been analyzed. It was found to be characterized by a high degree of dispersion, an erratic growth pattern before 1950 followed by an exponential mode of growth thereafter, and a low proportion of multiple-author works. The growth in literary output over the years was largely attributable to an increase in the number of authors, whereas the article/author ratio changed only slightly with time. The proportion of works dealing with general topics rose from 16.4% before 1970 to 41.6% thereafter while the proportion of site reports decreased accordingly. Although all rock art regions participated in the numerical growth of the literature over the decades, their relative proportions varied with time. The Southwest, the Great Plains, and the Eastern Woodland had the greatest number of works with regional emphasis; these three regions accounted for more than 50% of the total literary output. As an instrument of scientific information exchange, the rock art literature in North America appears to be in a comparatively early stage of development and maturation, a feature it shares with the communication system in the social sciences in general.

Ekholm's (1962) discovery that problematical U-shaped objects served as finger-loops for prehistoric atlatls permits two problematical objects from the La Playa site, Sonora, Mexico, to be properly identified as finger-loops. Similar attributes of the three, known, Sonoran finger-loops may indicate a Sonoran variety of this artifact.

The cruciform object is another problematical object found at La Playa. A search of the literature produced suggestive evidence that this artifact also may have been attached to prehistoric atlatls. The evidence which led to the formation of the hypothesis that cruciform objects were attached to atlatls, and some test implications of the hypothesis are presented.

A statistical examination of Paleo-Indian projectile points and bases from the Holcombe (Michigan) and Scharbauer (Texas) sites shows that basal modification, thinning to fluting, is distributed throughout the range of thickness. It is possible that fluted points were considerably thicker before fluting, but this is untestable and, since the present populations have a normal distribution, seems unlikely.

In this reply the author attempts to answer criticisms and to clarify some points made in "What Can Systems Theory Do for Archaeology?" (Salmon 1978). Particular emphasis is placed on the distinction between philosophical models of explanation and empirical models of phenomena. Some confusion has arisen because the term "systems model" has been applied to both types.

It is shown that by means of an X-ray diffractometer that in bone diaphyses of dog (Canis familiaris L.), wolf (Canis lupus L.), ox (Bos taurus L.), aurochs (Bos primigenius Boj.), domestic pig (Sus domesticus L.), and wild boar (Sus scrofa L.), the hydroxyapatite crystals are in all probability oriented with the basal pinacoid (002) at right angles to the long axes of the bones, although in some areas of the distal epihyses they parallel the long axes of the bones. No difference is found in the orientation of the crystals either between domestic and wild animals or between carnivores, ruminants and omnivores.

The Torrington skeletal material owes its suspected antiquity to its osteologic similarity to Minnesota Man. A recent study of the Torrington remains, based on laboratory analysis and grave artifacts, indicates that these burials are of late prehistoric age. These results reveal the danger of using morphological comparison, without supporting evidence, to establish chronological relationships.

Harry's recent paper in this journal critiques the use of cation-ratio dating to assess the age of surface-collected artifacts as part of a rejection of this dating technique in general. However, Harry's negative conclusions are difficult to reconcile both with the seemingly successful application of cation-ratio dating as part of the Intermountain Power Project (IPP) in California, the only other project in which surface artifacts have been cation-ratio dated, as well as with Harry's own data. The present comment details substantial differences in (1) the rigor and sophistication of the research designs applied by Harry and the IPP research and (2) the integrity of the sites on which these two projects worked, and points out important components of Harry's data that are inconsistent with her conclusions. Cation-ratio dating is certainly not yet perfected as a dating technique, but the available data indicate clearly that Harry's critique is seriously flawed.

A group of small stone enclosures, supposed by some to be of natural origin and by others to be the works of man, lies on a rocky travertine-encrtfsted talus slope at the base of the Santa Rosa Mountains on the west side of the Coachella Valley in Riverside County, California. These phenomena are known locally as the "Ancient Fish Traps." They occupy a series of rocky terraces some 90 feet below the maximum high-water shore line of Ancient Lake Cahuilla (called by some Blake Sea), whose basin is now partly occupied by the Salton Sea. The “traps” consist of 85 to 100 bowl-like depressions composed of a travertine-encrusted granite talus debris. They are arranged in three rows, each of which follows the exact contour of one of the old recessional terraces of the lake (Pl. XIX).

The discovery of cremations at the ruin of Pueblo Pardo in central New Mexico has added yet another to the multitude of problems concerning the Chupadera Mesa country to be answered by archaeology. Heretofore, most of the data available for this region have been based upon surface survey, and suffer from the inexactitude of that approach; some of the data, also, are based upon the incompletely published excavations at Abó, Quaraí and Gran Quivira National Monument. In the sites of Abó and Quaraí, which consist of important Mission ruins beside ruins of the Indian pueblos, attention has been concentrated upon the former structures almost to the exclusion of the latter. However, some work has been carried on in the pueblo ruins at both Quaraí and Gran Quivira, although, unfortunately, there appears to be little hope for the publication of any reports upon these excavations. The historian's analysis of the area has been ably handled by Scholes.

Artifacts recovered during U.C.L.A. excavations in 1959 are described in terms of a new typological classification for Mesoamerican metal artifacts. In addition to a number of artifact types known elsewhere in Mesoamerica, the excavations yielded several new forms. Possible relationships of Amapa, and West Mexico in general, to other areas of Mesoamerica, suggested by similarities in metal artifacts, are discussed. Association of metals with Mazapan figurines suggests an initial date for appearance of metal artifacts at Amapa of roughly A.D. 900; terminal date for the Amapa occupation may be around 1200.

In late 2001, investigators excavated a solitary Middle Archaic burial from the Plains-Prairie border in east-central Kansas. The burial was contained in a dissected colluvial apron at the foot of the valley wall, in a soil horizon that began accumulating around 9000 B.P. Burial goods include deer bone, a drill, and a side-notched projectile point/knife, the morphology of which is consistent with side-notched Middle Archaic points of the North American Central Plains and Midwest. Use-wear analysis shows that the stone tools were used before being placed with the burial and were not manufactured specifically as burial goods. A radiocarbon assay of the deer bone in direct association with the burial yielded a radiocarbon age of 6160 ± 35 B.P. This is one of only a few burials older than 5,000 years in the region. Comparison of this burial to other coeval regional burials shows similarities in burial practices.

Some points raised by Joyce Marcus's survey of lowland Maya archaeology require further discussion.

All the archaeological specimens from the Dodd (39ST30) and Phillips Ranch (39ST14) sites, Oahe Reservoir, South Dakota, were transferred recently by the River Basin Surveys, Bureau of American Ethnology, to the United States National Museum for accessioning into the permanent study collection of the Division of Archeology. During the processing of the material it was necessary to handle each object, to check its field number with the catalogs, the feature sheets, and the published reports, and to prepare brief descriptions, measurements, and observations for the permanent catalog of the United States National Museum. While handling the specimens certain discrepancies between the artifacts actually present and those described in the published report (Lehmer 1954 [see review in this issue]) were discovered. These mistakes included the omission of individual objects as well as of several groups of distinctive artifacts, and erroneous descriptions and identifications.

One of the most exotic Maya glyphs consists of a seated figure having a head that appears to be a penis. This paper argues that the head is indeed a penis and provides an interpretation and a linguistic decipherment for the glyph. The glyph can be read as xib'ah "underworld lord" (Cholan) or xib'alb'a "underworld, underworld lord" (Yucatec). It is an epithet for a major Maya deity who was both god of Venus and Lord of the Underworld. In one case, it is used as a place name for the underworld. The paper also presents a rationale for the unusual graphic form of the glyph based on ethnohistoric documentation.

The economic basis of the Cantabrian Upper Palaeolithic as reported by L. G. Freeman is compared with the coeval parietal art, and a motivational basis for the latter suggested.

Botany, which once bred the belief that the two oceans surrounding the New World formed a complete barrier for pre-Columbian voyagers, now demonstrates that some form of trans-oceanic contact has taken place. A reappraisal of contact areas seems warranted. Current geographic misconceptions concerning feasible aboriginal sea routes are examined. It is erroneous to believe that hypothetical voyagers from, for example, southern China to Peru can make a short-cut by way of the Pacific equator. The route between these two antipodes is a complete semicircle of equal length in dead miles whether we go by way of the middle Pacific, by way of Hawaii, or even by way of the Aleutian Islands. In traveling distance and time the route north of Hawaii is far shorter due to the flow of the main currents. A true traveling distance is not measurable unless we know the ratio between the surface speed respectively of the vessel and the current. Thus, an aboriginal craft plowing the ocean surface with a speed of 40 miles per day will have to cross about 1000 miles of surface water to get from Peru to the Marquesas Islands, but 7000 miles to get from the Marquesas to Peru.

Three feasible routes of aboriginal oversea arrivals to the New World, and two of departure, are suggested and named after European voyagers who initiated the route in historic times.