Hughes (1992) raises two points in his evaluation of our paper on Hopewell obsidian studies (Hatch et al. 1990): (a) Why did we not attempt to identify the several possible western United States sources from which our Hopewell specimens were derived, and (b) was it legitimate to report hydration-rim measurements with a.1 μm or less level of accuracy? These issues are addressed within the context of our initial research goals and through reference to the literature on optical microscopy.

Behaviorism is but one part of the broader scope of ethnoarchaeological research and must be joined with historical approaches for proper understanding of the past.

In her review of Ethnography by Archaeologists edited by Elisabeth Tooker {American Antiquity 49:442-443), Patricia Gilman emphasized one aspect of ethnoarchaeology, behaviorism, and faulted many of the contributors for not presenting general explanations of human behavior. Gilman primarily stresses the synchronic study of modern behavior as an analog for past behavior. While this is certainly a worthwhile endeavor for ethnographers, to equate such research with all of ethnoarchaeology is, I think, unduly restricting the definition. Such research is simply ethnography, because it places the researcher as an observer and interviewer in modern communities, examining behavioral and physical relationships among modern data. Rarely do such studies place this research in any evolutionary or historical framework.

Native made glass pendants have long been known in the upper Missouri region, but it is not generally realized these also have appeared east of the Mississippi River. The find sites and their dates are discussed and the context of the pendants where known. Indications are that the differences evident in the sizes and shapes of the pendants may be due to temporal factors. A previous estimate of 1798 for the time of the origin of the craft must be changed and evidence from the east suggests a beginning at least as early as 1730.

In 1956, as part of a larger archaeological salvage project for The Dalles Reservoir sponsored by the National Park Service and under the general direction of Douglas Osborne of the University of Washington, a complete record by prints was made of some 400 petroglyphs along a 15 mile stretch of the Columbia River. The original idea for the method and its application to petroglyph recording belongs to Sari Dienes, who has used it in her own art. With the assistance of the writer, Mrs. Dienes did the actual printing of the designs. The project was successfully completed with the aid of a supplementary grant from the Seattle Art Museum.

Samples of textiles from the Spiro, Oklahoma, mound were sent to the Smithsonian Institution for analysis. Through the courtesy of Dr. Waldo R. Wedel and the National Bureau of Standards, which made the analysis, the report quoted below has been received.

These textiles were excavated by private individuals in 1935, before the University of Oklahoma took charge. My object has been to salvage as much as could be rescued, and attempt to preserve it behind glass.

The increase in funding associated with new legislation subsequent to the late 1960s and the introduction of Cultural Resource Management (CRM) research has changed archaeology in many ways. Not the least of these changes is the first full flowering of archaeology's four fields of endeavor (research and report writing, teaching, management, and outreach) to the extent that it is now possible for individuals to devote major portions of their career to a single field, and increasingly they are doing so, though a career that entails some work in more than one field is still, and probably should remain, the rule. Within the research field, academic research and research activities related to archaeological resource management (ARM) should develop as complementary rather than as compartmentalized approaches to the database. The teaching field must emphasize training students for service in all four fields. Management and public outreach should be recognized as legitimate fields of full-time archaeological endeavor, and public accountability should be embraced.

The data contained in the paper by Munson, Parmalee, and Yamell (1971) concerning the Scovill site in Illinois have been employed for the purpose of examining the demographic and dietary status of the inhabitants. It is calculated from the meat residues found by the authors that this source of food would have supplied 181,800 g of animal protein, and from the residues of nuts that this type of plant supplied 1,588,000 Calories. The nutritional requirement in these substances for the probable population of the site was very much greater than the residues found. Hence the residues do not approach the probable consumption. On the other hand it is shown that the environment could provide much more meat and nuts than are represented by the human consumption.

The burial of a young adult woman with a drilled molar tooth was excavated in 1965 in northern Arizona (Museum of Northern Arizona NA9099.B5; Pueblo IV, A.D. 1300–1600). The drilling angle and location suggest that the therapeutic or palliative procedure was done while the woman was alive, and probably in pain because the drilled hole occurred at the bottom of a large necrotic cavity involving about one quarter of the occlusal surface. The drilled hole exited at the crown-root junction near a small alveolar buccal abscess. With painful and unhealthy dental caries on the rise as dependency on agriculture increased through time, it is suggested that this case and one other mark the beginning practice of primitive technical dentistry in prehistoric western North America.

In 1873 the party of Capt. William A. Jones reported that “throughout the Wind River country of Wyoming many pictographs have been found, and others reported by the Shoshoni Indians.” Thus the Dinwoody petroglyphs and those in the surrounding area have been known for three-quarters of a century, and yet were not even surveyed for archaeological purposes until 1938 and 1939. This, of course, is typical of the fate of petroglyphs over most of North America. Only during the last twenty years has any attention been given by competent archaeologists to the subject of “Indian Writing.” There is no need to draw attention to the “interpretation” of these rock drawings by amateur speculators, for Steward's chastisement of them would be difficult to equal.

The archaeological record of the Cochise culture does not support the theory proposed by Martin that no major climatic fiuctuations have occurred in the Southwest during the past 10,000 years.

Dr. Antonio J. Waring, Jr., of Savannah, Georgia, dug a test trench at Johns Island in August, 1948. He discovered an upper zone of oyster shells containing sherds of the Weeden Island period and a lower zone of cemented fresh-water snail shells in which were large percussion-flaked tools but apparently no pottery. At the conference on The Florida Indian and His Neighbors held at Rollins College, Winter, Park Florida, in April he called this site to the attention of the Florida Park Service and suggested that additional work would be worthwhile. We conducted excavations at the island in May, 1949, with two primary objectives: first, to determine the associations of the large stone tools; second, to secure data relative to a rise in sea level during or since occupancy.

A metallographic study was made of certain large native copper implements to determine the methods of manufacture. Metallurgical knowledge of the diffusion of oxygen into copper, the recrystallization of copper, and the working characteristics of copper are used in this analysis. The artifacts analyzed are listed below. The Wisconsin Historical Museum catalog numbers of each specimen is also given.

Since 1939 the writers have attempted, from time to time, to locate village sites of the Osage Indians, in the hope of determining the type of culture that was associated with that important tribe. The Oneota aspect of the Upper phase of the Mississippi pattern has been assigned to the Chiwere branch of the Sioux with considerable assurance, but identification of the culture of the Dhegiha branch has remained largely in the sphere of debate and speculation. It is not, however, entirely a matter of speculation, for some evidence has begun to come in. The problem is by no means settled, but in view of the times, it seemed wise to present such data as we have been able to gather.

The Osage have been known to the whites since the time of Marquette, but the first visit of which we have record was that of Du Tisné in 1719.

A desire to increase efficiency in the description and typological study of stone artifacts led to a conference of ten archaeologists in Santa Fe, New Mexico. This conference concentrated on the delineation of attributes of specimens rather than on the creation of a typological system. It attempted to meet the requirements of this phase of archaeology on a continental rather than a regional scale. Considerable attention was given to the various sorts of punched cards and to data-processing equipment. A glossary of definitions and an attribute form sheet for recording specimens were compiled and issued to the attending members for use in pilot studies of regional collections. The form sheets were laid out with a view to transferring the data to standard IBM cards and determining significant clusters of attributes. The testing of the definitions of attributes and the form sheet through actual use is intended to reveal possible improvements and to evaluate the practicality of rapid-processing methods in typological studies of this nature.

Neurolepis is an easily recognizable bamboo-grass found as the dominant vegetation in many of the wettest and most remote Andean montane grassland areas. The plant has little economic value and is usually burned to produce pasture or facilitate hunting. After burning, regrowth is extremely slow, so that areas previously occupied by Neurolepis are apparently permanently colonized by tussock pasture grasses. It seems likely, therefore, that the existing remnant areas of Neurolepis represent the areas which have not been substantially affected by man in historic, and perhaps prehistoric, times.

In recent years there has been a lamentable tendency on the part of academic archaeologists to professionalize their field, with a consequently growing distinction between “amateurs” and “professionals.” That this distinction is a false one has been demonstrated by the work of such “amateurs” as Lemley of Arkansas, Langford of Illinois, and many others. The boundary between these two classes of excavators has been one of attachment or non-attachment to an academic institution, without regard to the real issue: techniques. This distinction is happily undergoing process of change, as the very existence of American Antiquity bears witness. Founded as an outlet for both amateur and professional work, it has done much to allay hostilities and opposition on both sides.