This paper re-examines the thesis, which still persists in some quarters, that limited surface-water supplies, scarcity of through-flowing streams, a generally harsh environment, and shortage of wood for tipi poles, stakes, and fuel, because they precluded year-round occupation of the High Plains, would also have made regular seasonal residence and through-travel by pedestrians extremely difficult or impossible. A review of historic Indian occupation and natural resources, notably distribution and nature of the water supplies, suggests that seasonal residence patterns were entirely feasible for prehorse Indians, and that travel in and through the region, except in times of severe drought or winter storms, would have been practicable for experienced plainsmen, even on foot. The potential significance to archaeology of the larger perennial springs in and around the shortgrass country is noted.

The occurrence of negative painting on two vessels from Florida raises some interesting questions in regard to the significance of this type of decoration in the Southeast. The vessels were excavated by Clarence B. Moore at Crystal River on the Gulf Coast about eighty miles north of Tampa Bay, and are illustrated in his report of 1903, Certain Aboriginal Mounds of the Florida Central West Coast.1 Brief references in the text describe them as bowls of excellent ware decorated with black pigment which has grown faint with wear and time. Moore, of course, makes no allusion to the technique of negative painting, since its presence in the Southeast was not suspected at the time.

Drawing upon the lithic remains from the Late Natufian and Pre-Pottery Neolithic A occupations of "Iraq ed-Dubb, Jordan, we utilize a quantifiable statistical approach with Geographic Information Systems analysis to interpret shifting practices that influenced site structure. This study indicates that the highly mobile Late Natufian population who inhabited the site had fairly nondelineated use of space compared to a more delineated use of space during the Pre-Pottery Neolithic A. It appears that intensified intra-community organization of space was a byproduct of decreased residential mobility. Moreover, the emergence of more formal intra-community organization likely aided in the development of much more complex human societies that evolved several millennia after the onset of Holocene conditions.

Spring Creek Cave, a single-component, habitation site in the Big Horn Basin near Ten Sleep, Wyoming, yielded an assemblage of stone artifacts diagnostic of the Late Middle Prehistoric period in context with a considerable variety of hitherto undescribed perishable items. Charcoal produced a radiocarbon date of A.D. 225 ± 200. The Spring Creek material considerably amplifies present knowledge of Late Middle period technology and economy in the Northwestern Plains and provides opportunities for comparison of Late Middle period perishable items with similar items in Basketmaker assemblages of the Southwest and in other assemblages from various parts of the Basin-Plateau region.

Archaeological evidence of the ancestral Huron-Wendat Nation of Southern Ontario, Canada, shows a population increase from the thirteenth through sixteenth centuries, suggesting high fertility. Birth timing and infant survival are influenced by mothers' decisions about weaning. This study explores trophic enrichment of δ15N in horizontal dentine slices from 35 deciduous molars (n = 33 dm1, n = 2 dm2) and 39 permanent first molars (M1) representing five Huron-Wendat ossuaries, dating from the fourteenth through seventeenth centuries. Weaning was normally incomplete at the end of dm formation, at an age of about 2.5 years. Post-weaning dentine values appear by the end of crown formation of M1. The weaning process began between 8 and 18 months and was complete in all cases by 3.5 years. Timing of the weaning process does not support the idea that Huron-Wendat population increase was associated with early weaning of infants. Communities from the sixteenth century and thereafter show earlier completion of weaning. Reasons for earlier cessation of breastfeeding may be found in the social and biological disruptions of the era of European contact. Values from permanent teeth of mandibles with sex attributed suggest a more homogeneous, possibly venison-oriented, post-weaning diet among males.

Epipaleolithic hunter-gatherers are often interpreted as playing an important role in the development of early cereal cultivation and subsequent farming economies in the Levant. This focus has come at the expense of understanding these people as resilient foragers who exploited a range of changing micro habitats through the Last Glacial Maximum. New phytolith data from Ohalo II seek to redress this. Ohalo II has the most comprehensive and important macrobotanical assemblage in Southwest Asia for the entire Epipaleolithic period. Here we present a phytolith investigation of 28 sediment samples to make three key contributions. First, by comparing the phytolith assemblage to a sample of the macrobotanical assemblage, we provide a baseline to help inform the interpretation of phytolith assemblages at other sites in Southwest Asia. Second, we highlight patterns of plant use at the site. We identify the importance of wetland plant resources to hut construction and provide evidence that supports previous work suggesting that grass and cereal processing may have been a largely “indoor” activity. Finally, drawing on ethnographic data from the American Great Basin, we reevaluate the significance of wetland plant resources for Epipaleolithic hunter-gatherers and argue that the wetland-centered lifeway at Ohalo II represents a wider Levantine adaptive strategy.

We document the use of organic raw material in late Pleistocene eastern Beringia through the study of the site of Swan Point CZ4b, in central Alaska. CZ4b is attributed to the Dyuktai culture and dates to about 14,000 cal B.P. We interpret the occupation as a specialized workshop dedicated to the production and maintenance of organic-based tools following three lines of evidence: (1) limited on-site consumption of megafauna, (2) diversity of organic raw materials and techniques used in processing them, and (3) spatial demarcation of specialized activity areas. Specialized workshops are located in the vicinity of naturally occurring accumulations of mammoth bones in both western and eastern Beringia and suggest similarities in animal resource use across Beringia for the Dyuktai culture. Organic technology was a major portion of Dyuktai technology in eastern Beringia, and its lack of visibility in archaeological assemblages is probably due to taphonomic reasons. Changes in the availability of organic raw material throughout the Late Pleistocene offer some implications for the evolution of lithic technology and material culture.

A new technique involving microscopy distinguishes wild from domestic camelids in collections from archaeological deposits in the Atacama Desert. Results of the faunal analysis provide additional critical data which allow a more complete reconstruction of the changes in economic and settlement patterns and of the cultural processes these changes may have involved.

Studies of the Great Basin show that the Desert cultures of 8000 B.C. closely resemble the historic cultures of that area, but linguistic evidence indicates that the ancestors of the historic inhabitants moved into the Great Basin as late as 1000 years ago. The linguistic affiliation of the prehistoric cultures thus cannot be directly inferred. Taylor has proposed that Hokaltecans settled in the Great Basin at an early age and were only recently replaced by Uto-Aztecans who moved in from the northeast—an offshoot from a major Uto-Aztecan movement down the western flanks of the Rocky Mountains. This hypothesis does not satisfactorily account for the distribution of the major subdivisions of Uto-Aztecan and directly contradicts the implications of the distribution of Numic (Plateau Shoshonean) languages. An alternate hypothesis is proposed, namely, that Uto-Aztecans moved southward from the northern Great Basin as the Altithermal began; that they moved in two major branches which skirted the Great Basin, one along the Rocky Mountains, the other along the Sierras; and that, as the Medithermal set in, the Numic branch (northernmost Sierran branch) began to move back into the Great Basin proper, this movement being retarded until about 1000 years ago by the presence of horticulturists. This hypothesis is supported by correlations between lexico-statistical dating of the separation of Uto-Aztecan languages and the dates of climatic periods, and by the distributions of the major Uto-Aztecan branches. Identification of these branches follows recent linguistic studies by Voegelin and Hale. Previous classifications of Uto-Aztecan languages, theories concerning the location of the ancestral Uto-Aztecan community, and the implications of these for the present hypothesis are discussed.

Using data collected by NASA in the Tehuacan Valley, Mexico, tests were undertaken to determine the effectiveness of aerial color infrared film for archaeological reconnaissance. The study area was chosen primarily because MacNeish's Tehuacan Archaeological-Botanical Project (1960-1964) provided a convenient check of site visibility on the photographs, and because microenvironmental zones have been delineated in the valley allowing visibility of sites in different microenvironments to be determined. Our tests indicate that the type of cultural feature or its age are not as important as the environmental situation in distinguishing the site. The greatest archaeological value, however, of color infrared photography is in the delineation of microenvironmental zones and the construction of natural maps rather than the identification of cultural features.

Using selective maize yield data from ethnohistoric and government sources dating between the mid-nineteenth and mid-twentieth centuries, Schroeder (1999) argues that Mississippian average yield potential fell within a 9-10 bu/acre range. We evaluate her argument in terms of well-established climatic, environmental, varietal, and behavioral constraints on maize agriculture and conclude that reconstructing prehistoric agricultural potential requires a more precise methodology that incorporates these factors.

A reexamination of all the published reports on split-twig figurine sites in light of the excavation of Cowboy Cave where 20 whole and fragmentary specimens were recovered under good stratigraphic control provides a foundation for discussing the possible cultural affiliation of the Grand Canyon figurine complex. A hypothesis is presented which may account for the known distribution of figurine finds and their lack of cultural associations at some sites.

A series of 29 radiocarbon dates from 11 sites on Admiralty Island span the last 3,200 calendar years. Although our research corroborates many of the results of de Laguna's (1960) earlier work in the area, we find the Tlingit settlement pattern to be at least 1,600 years old, significantly older than previously believed. Dating of a wooden fish weir demonstrates that mass harvesting of salmon has an antiquity of at least 3,000 years.

In 1967, a mound at San Pablo, Morelos, was partially excavated for salvage reasons. The mound had at one time contained an estimated 150-250 burials, all associated with ceramics identical to certain vessels found at Tlatilco. In addition to being one of the earliest known mounds in central Mexico, the site is believed to be a burial mound, rare at any time period in Mesoamerica. Analysis of the burial ceramics in comparison to assemblages from other Middle Preclassic sites suggests that Tlatilco and other sites of its type are not one-period sites, but exhibit at least two phases, the earlier phase related to highland Olmec, the later to a localization of styles. The San Pablo Pantheon mound appears to represent only the later phase.

Until the past few years the Poverty Point horizon was known solely through its manifestation at the type site, Poverty Point Plantation, on Bayou Macon, West Carroll Parish, Louisiana. Webb (1944), in connection with the description of a cache of stone vessel fragments found near the large Poverty Point mound, pointed out the apparent cultural content of the site, which had previously been mentioned in archaeological literature by Moore (1913), Fowke (1928) and Ford (1936). In 1948, in a description of nonpottery cultures in the state, a further attempt was made (Webb, 1948) to clarify the Poverty Point cultural period as expressed at this site.

An ecological approach to religion is utilized to examine crocodilians represented in highland and lowland Mesoamerican art from the Early Formative to European contact. It is suggested for certain Formative New World religions, the Olmec in particular, that the crocodilian may have attained religious importance because it served as a major food source, is a predator of humans, and is an anomalous and striking animal. It is further proposed that crocodilian products (meat, skins, etc.) may have been lowland items used in an exchange network with highland groups, that the crocodilian motif and crocodilian products became elements of elite status regalia, and that Olmec ideology thereby gained a foothold in central Mexico. Subsequently, a decline in the supply of crocodilians due to overhunting or other causes may have undermined one basis of Olmec strength and hastened their downfall in the Middle Formative. Crocodilians remain in the art up to European contact, but their role seems to change as they transcend the secular-mundane, as the elite establish other status regalia, and as a greater variety of religious expressions develops.

The North Benton Mound is a Hopewell site located in Mahoning County, northeastern Ohio. This mound is on the farm of Mr. John Malmsberry, near the village of North Benton. Mr. Roy Saltsman and the writer participated in the excavation of the site. The photographs and other records were made by the writer.

The recent history of the mound is interesting. The grave of Judge William Smith, original owner of the mound, was placed some seven or eight feet north of the crest. It is shown in the cross section (Fig. 4). When Smith died in 1837 with the strange request that he be buried in the mound, the top was apparently cut off to make a burial platform; the removed dirt which was thrown down upon the south shoulder is represented on the projected cross section by broken hatching. The mound, situated on a high knoll, later became an even more conspicuous landmark when conifers were planted on it and grew to great size.