This article considers the contents of the temple of Hera at Olympia in the light of Pausanias' account and of excavation reports. Of all the temples Pausanias describes, the Heraion is the most crowded, and it is argued that by his day it was acting as a storeroom, primarily for objects from nearby buildings. The implications are assessed for the history of the attribution of the Heraion, and for the use of temples in Pausanias' day.

The bronze cover of a phalanx-man's shield, found in Upper Macedonia and published by P. Adam-Veleni, was inscribed ‘of king—’, the name being illegible. From the inscription and the decoration one can estimate that the Macedonian ‘foot’ was in the upper category of length. It is suggested that the king—probably Antigonus Gonatas—had these shields manufactured, and that he issued them to his infantry guard.

Reasonable doubts exist with regard to the conclusions that have been drawn from the ostraca found in the Athenian Agora as well as those from the fill of the Rectangular Rock-cut shaft on the Agora Hill. These doubts extend to the dating of the buildings along the west side of the Agora. A re-examination of the published accounts leads to the conclusion that Buildings C and D, the Temple of Apollo and the shrine of Zeus were built before 480 and were destroyed by the Persians, who were also responsible for digging the Rectangular Rock-cut Shaft. Building F was erected soon after 479. By 450, the Heliaia, the Tholos, the Old Bouleuterion, a Public Records Office and the Royal Stoa were constructed. The public buildings in question all seem to have been built as a consequence of the political reforms brought about by Ephialtes in the late 460s. They are probably the few extant physical remains of the early days of Periclean democracy.

It is proposed that Aipy, named in Iliad ii. 592 as part of Nestor's kingdom be located (following Strabo) in the vicinity of Lepreon, and specifically at the prehistoric acropolis of Ayios Dhimitrios.

An unusual figurative larnax of LM III date was found in the dromos of an Iron Age chamber tomb in the KMF cemetery north of Knossos. The decoration includes retorted spirals, tricurved arch, parallel chevrons, wavy lines, and ‘tree’. The figures have closest analogies on the Ayia Triadha sarcophagus. There is a modelled animal's head on the top ridge of the lid.

The Greek cities of the western coast of the Black Sea knew both foundation myths and the phenomenon of the second foundation, associated with the rebuilding of civic life after the invasion of Burebista, the king of the Getae and Dacian tribes from 82 bce to 44 bce. In most foundation stories the ktistes is either a god (in the case of the city of Dionysopolis) or a hero (in the cases of the cities of Kallatis, Tomis and Anchialos), and the stories date mostly to the Antonine age. The story of Tomos of Tomis stands out owing to its wide acceptance among the local elite, while that of Melsas of Mesambria may have never gained official acceptance: it was created in the late Hellenistic age, probably reviving a Thracian tale of Melsas, perhaps a hero, known from early-third century bce coins. The Melsas story is a prime example of cultural transfers from the native population to Greek-majority Mesambria in the Hellenistic and early Roman ages.

Dr. Covel was chaplain to the Embassy at Constantinople from 1669 to 1677. Of his copious and interesting Journals, a portion, relating chiefly to his voyage and to political affairs at Constantinople, has been edited, with a portrait and biographical notice, by J. T. Bent, and published by the Hakluyt Society in 1893. The Journals were, in part at least, intended for publication, for Grelot refers to an expected work of Covel's on the walls of Constantinople; the notes on Galata are more detailed than those of most contemporary writers, and, though they are in Covel's handwriting, are possibly borrowed; it is not his habit to write in Latin, and the reference to the tomb of the Comte d'Artois as still in possession of the monks, perhaps points to a slightly earlier original.

The place known as Chauchitsa lies some sixty kilometres to the north of Salonika (Fig. 1). It was identified first as an ancient site at the end of the year 1917, during military operations. During the digging of trenches and other works antiquities were discovered which were recognised as belonging to the various stages of culture of a period extending from Neolithic to Roman times. The majority of the objects so discovered I published in the Annual of the British School for 1918–1919.

On April 15th this year I paid a preliminary visit to the site. While considerable damage had been done by the cutting of trenches, I felt satisfied that sufficient of the original ground remained undisturbed to justify excavation. I therefore commenced excavation on the 28th of April, 1921. As the isolation of the site made the conditions of a small test excavation of this nature somewhat difficult I decided to continue only, for such time as would enable me to ascertain the general nature of the site.

As the excavation at Lampousa was coming to its close, news came that tombs of the Bronze Age had been found about a mile further west, in a field bounded by the coast; and leave was at once obtained to examine the site. During most of this excavation, Mr. Leonard Buxton was in charge, and this summary of results is collected from his tomb-plans and field notes, as war-service and other duties thereafter prevented him from preparing a formal report. All the objects from these tombs were sent to the Cyprus Museum, repaired by that skilful veteran, Loizo of Dali, and registered by Mr. Markides.

The same nearly level and fairly recent deposit of sandy limestone and calcareous sand as forms the acropolis at Akheiropoiétos, here forms the foreshore, with a low ragged cliff about 10 feet above sea-level, and a level surface of sandy soil for about a quarter of a mile inland, till it is smothered by sandy hill-wash, full of springs, and mostly planted with olives.

The present population of Melos is collected into six or seven villages in the north-western district, all within a mile or so of the citadel of Kastro. But the whole island is dotted with small churches, some in the existing villages, some on the sites of villages which have disappeared, and others in isolated positions, used only once or twice a year as places of pilgrimage. These churches are interesting in many ways, both as showing the almost Oriental conservatism with which the Greek Church clings to its ancient methods of church-building, and because, although simple in the extreme, they yet possess certain marked differences of structure from the better-known churches of Attica and the mainland, to which, in point of design, they are often superior.

Since the excavations of Carapanos at Dodona in 1878, Epirus has remained terra incognita to the archaeologist. In regard to prehistoric archaeology the reason is to be found in the Epirote terrain; the plains are usually small, and the humid climate encourages grass, with the result that settlements, unlike those of Thessaly or Macedonia, are too small to raise a tumulus and any deposit is covered with turf. The following sites include the re-excavation of Dodona by Mr. Evangelides and some scattered settlements found by myself during my visits to Epirus.

Of the innumerable minor shrines which were scattered over all parts of the city of Athens and its suburbs, one of the most curious is the shrine of Kodros, Neleus, and Basile. Nothing of it has been found, and its site in south-eastern Athens is only approximately known, but we have a good deal of interesting and at some points puzzling information about it, mainly from an inscription, IG i2. 94, a decree of the Boule and the Demos of 418/17 B.C. Much has been written about this decree, which amongst other things has points of chronological interest and is important in connexion with the leasing of shrines, but its topographical and architectural implications have not been fully worked out, or else have been misinterpreted. E. Curtius, who first attacked the problem after Koumanoudes's provisional publication, went so far as to draw a plan of the shrine with the catchment area from which it drew the water for its olives, in relation to the neighbouring part of south-eastern Athens; but in nearly all particulars his plan is open to serious doubt. Others, including Judeich, who merely prints ‘Neleus und Basile?’ in the region of the presumed site (his Plan I, G 7), have been more vague and cautious. IG i2. 94 will repay a little further topographical study, I believe, and several more recently found inscriptions may throw a little new but uncertain light on Basile.

Towers on the island of Thasos are discussed, to determine how they relate to the Thasian countryside. It is unlikely that there is any single explanation for their existence. Defence does not appear to be a normal purpose. Some may have served as signals of danger to sailors, others were primarily agricultural, providing safe, if temporary, bases for farming and herding. Some may have been strong rooms associated with normal village dwellings for storage and protection of goods as well as people in times of danger or as a display of wealth. It is noted that village settlements are infrequent on Thasos. A catalogue of the towers is given in an appendix.

The excavation of M. S. F. Hood in the area of the Minoan Royal Road at Knossos produced stratified deposits of Greek pottery ranging in date from Protogeometric to Hellenistic. This article, the last in a series of three, concentrates on the local and imported pottery of the Classical and Hellenistic periods. For the Classical sequence, a late-fourth century house deposit is supplemented by three earlier well fills from the area of the Vcnizeleion Hospital. There follows five stratified groups of Hellenistic pottery, the last two being from second-century floor deposits. Also included here are many pieces from less well stratified contexts, but of intrinsic interest.

Interpretation of the historical and epigraphical data can only provide a bare outline of the political and social environment of Knossos between the 5th and 7th centuries AD. Consequently, our understanding of late Antique Knossos comes primarily from the excavated remains of two of the Christian basilicas in the Valley; the Sanatorium Basilica and the KMF Basilica. Although excavations of the former have been published in full, concerning the KMF Basilica, only a brief summary of its architecture has been published. As a result, a detailed analysis of the excavations of the basilica itself will be made available here, including particulars of its architecture, mosaics, and summaries of the associated elements of the entire basilica complex (a detailed discussion of the whole Late Antique KMF excavations is forthcoming). As such, not only is a new and full interpretation of the KMF Basilica provided, but also for the first time the material culture of Late Antique Knossos is collated and subsequently analysed to provide a clear understanding of the nature of the city during this period. Despite a dearth of domestic evidence, a contextual study of the surviving architecture (principally religious) in conjunction with the mortuary remains, allows a broad perception of society and a clear comprehension of the development of the city. Thus the aim here is to examine the compelling evidence that, contrary to common belief, during the Late Antique period Knossos continued to be a vibrant and influential city as it had been in the Roman period.

In the following article we will present and discuss more than 150 terracotta figurines that form part of the Collection of Antiquities housed at the British School in Athens. The majority of these artefacts originate from private collections bequeathed by men of culture and illustrious scholars (i.e. George Finlay, G. Empedokles, T. J. Dunbabin). However, there is a small group within the Collection that consists of pieces both brought to light from excavations and found by chance by British archaeologists working in Greece. This group of terracotta figurines dates from a period that ranges from the end of the 7th century B.C. to the second half of the 4th century A.D. and with time, this initially small collection grew in scale and importance. The largest group of objects in the collection belongs to the prolific terracotta production of Boeotia. However, many other terracotta workshops from places such as Cyprus, Eastern Greece, Attica, Corinth and Argolid, are well represented. The majority are common types but there are several remarkable exceptions which shed light on our knowledge of ancient terracotta production. This examination of terracotta figurines will be concluded with a group of more recent artefacts currently part of the Collection at the Museum of the British School in Athens

The South Stoa at the Argive Heraion is the best-preserved Peloponnesian stoa of the fifth century B.C., and one of the earliest anywhere with substantial remains of a stone entablature; it shows definite evidence of features which are rarely found elsewhere. The publication of it by Tilton at the beginning of this century certainly does not do justice either to the interest of its design or to the quality of its workmanship, and a complete republication of the existing remains would be well worth while. The present paper does not attempt to fulfil this need, however; it is directed instead to two interrelated features of the stoa which, it appears, were not fully understood by Tilton, the roof structure and the outer colonnade, and to a brief consideration of their significance.

A Permit was granted for the School to carry out a trial excavation at Haliartos in Boeotia with the object of establishing the plan of the ancient walls of the city and testing the future possibilities of the site.

Digging was begun on March 30th on the west wall of the Acropolis—Mr. Woodward being present to direct operations for the first two days. Five men were employed at first, but after the opening week the number was raised to six.

For about a fortnight the workmen were employed in determining the lines of the walls of the Acropolis. It was found impossible in the limited time available for the excavation to include the outer town walls in the investigation. For the second fortnight the men were chiefly engaged in excavating a sanctuary and adjacent buildings which were discovered within the Acropolis. Work was continued until April 28th.

Shells from the excavation of the West Court House at Knossos are analysed and compared with those from other Neolithic and Early Minoan sites.

The position and general form of the Stoa by the Harbour at Perachora have long been known. It was discovered and excavated in 1932, the third and fullest year of Payne's excavations at Perachora. Brief notices of its discovery are to be found in the preliminary reports for that year, in BSA xxxii (1931–2) 260–1, and JHS lii (1932) 242, and in AJA xxxvii (1933) 155, AA xlvii (1932) 563, RÉG xlix (1936) 151, and in ILN 8/7/33; of these the last is perhaps the fullest. In Perachora i a single paragraph is devoted to the stoa on pp. 14–15, but rather more information can be gathered from the plan of the Hera Akraia temple, the triglyph altar, and the stoa on plate 138. This shows the position, plan, and state of preservation of the building when it was excavated. Since the publication of Perachora i in 1940 no further work has been done on the stoa, but there is a brief treatment of it in R. Martin, Recherches sur l'agora grecque, 461, 465 n. 4, 486, and in tables iv and v, and a discussion and drawing of the Ionic semi-column capital in G. Roux, L' Architecture dans l'Argolide aux IVe et IIIe siècles avant J.-C., 346 and plate 91.1.