To date, 81 stemmed and barbed preceramic (Archaic) points (8000–900 B.C.) have been identified in Belize. Fifty-four are Lowe points; 21 are Sawmill points. Four more are provisionally classified as Allspice and two as Ya’axche’ points. These stemmed bifaces are frequently beveled on alternate-opposite edges and demonstrate variable degrees of resharpening and reworking, which affects blade shape and tool size. Numerous functions have been attributed to these artifacts; specifically, they have been called spear points, dart points, harpoons, and knives. Metric data from these bifaces, limited macrowear and microwear analyses, and design features, such as barbs and alternate-opposite edge beveling, have been used to interpret likely tool functions. Results suggest that Lowe points were affixed to throwing/thrusting spears and also served as knives, whereas the Sawmill points were used as spear-thrower dart points and as knives. New dating information suggests that alternate-opposite edge beveling and consequently beveled bifaces may be much older than 2500–1900 B.C., which is the date currently assigned to these specimens.

The discovery of the fully developed Formative sites of Cotocallao (ca. 3750-2350 cal. B.P.) in the Quito Basin and La Chimba (ca. 2650-1700 cal. B.P.) in the northern highlands of Ecuador has raised questions about their cultural antecedents, which have not been resolved despite decades of archaeological work in the region. Paleoenvironmental coring investigations were conducted at Lake San Pablo in northern highland Ecuador to determine the date for the onset of prehistoric maize farming in the temperate highland valleys of this region. The investigations included analysis of lake sediments for pollen, phytoliths, diatoms, and tephra. Maize pollen was identified as early as 4900 cal. B.P., while maize phytoliths dated even earlier, to 6200 or 6600 cal. B.P. These results demonstrate a long history of maize farming in valleys around Lake San Pablo, but in the context of a punctuated record of major and minor volcanic eruptions. It is concluded that early horticultural sites predating Cotocallao and La Chimba must exist, but to find such sites, archaeologists will have to locate and study deeply buried A-horizon soils.

Recent archaeological fieldwork on Isla de Mona in the Caribbean has led to the discovery of a substantial corpus of early colonial inscriptions inside the darkzone of one of the 200 cave systems on the island. Cave 18, like multiple others on Isla de Mona, was a well-established indigenous spiritual realm in the centuries leading up to European colonization. Christian symbols, individual names, written dates, and Spanish and Latin religious commentaries are located in direct association with preexisting indigenous iconography and activities. This paper applies paleographic (handwriting) analysis to establish the authenticity, authorship, and chronology of the inscriptions and to interpret the nature of this early spiritual encounter. We conclude that these sixteenth-century inscriptions represent visits to the cave by first-generation Europeans, including Spanish royal officials in Puerto Rico, and reflect their reactions to native religious landscapes. The inscriptions on Isla de Mona capture personal, face-to-face encounters with native religion and represent Christian commentaries and reactions to indigenous spaces and worldview in the early colonial period.

Initial Spanish colonization of the Central Andes and efforts to transform indigenous society were highly dependent on local social and geographic conditions. In the Colca Valley of southern Peru, Franciscan friars established a series of doctrinas (settlements for the conversion and doctrinal instruction of the indigenous population) at former Inka imperial outposts during the mid-1540s. The inhabitants of one of these doctrinas—the site today known as Malata (ca. A.D. 1545–1573)— were subject to one of the earliest mendicant evangelical campaigns in the Central Andean highlands. In addition to religious indoctrination and significant spatial reconfiguration of the village, Spaniards attempted to alter systems of domestic production related to the rearing and consumption of animals. They also imposed new tribute demands. Despite considerable transformations of the architecture and attendant changes in daily life at Malata, zooarchaeological analysis of faunal remains from a variety of contexts provides no indication of the introduction of Eurasian animals to Malata nor the alteration of either indigenous husbandry practices or the consumption of food animals. Ceramic iconography and the abundance of weaving tools suggest that Spaniards built on the local system of camelid husbandry to extract textiles and metallurgical goods as tribute during the first generation of colonial occupation.

In the last four decades, a number of archaeologists and art historians have posited that “Toltec” Chichén Itzá (Yucatán, Mexico) flourished during the ninth and tenth centuries A.D. They argued that because the “Toltec” style in Yucatán predated the Tollan phase at Tula (Hidalgo, Mexico), most of the style features shared between the cities originated with the Maya. Here, I examine the relevance of the Epiclassic relief sculpture of Tula Chico for the timing and nature of contact between Tula and Chichén Itzá. The presence of reliefs of reclining figures in clear “Toltec” style at Tula Chico in contexts predating their occurrence at Chichén Itzá suggests that claims for a predominantly Maya origin for that style stand in need of revision. Such a rethinking is supported by other fragmentary images from Tula Chico (eagles and Venus symbols), as well as by new studies of ceramic materials and chronology at Chichén Itzá. It is clear that Tula was an active participant in whatever interactions led to similar visual arts at Chichén Itzá, and at least some of the shared iconography has temporal priority at Tula.

Excavations at the ancient Maya city of Holmul, Petén, have led to the discovery of a building decorated with an intricately carved and painted plaster frieze. The iconography of the frieze portrays seated lords, mountain spirits, feathered serpents, and gods of the underworld engaged in the apparent rebirth of rulers as sun gods. Large emblems carved on the side of the building identify the structure as a shrine for ancestor veneration. A dedicatory text carved along the bottom of the frieze contains a king list and references to the political and familial ties of the ruler who commissioned the temple. Together, the iconography and text of this structure provide evidence of function and meaning. They also shed new light on a century during Classic Maya history known as the Tikal “Hiatus,” for which a limited number of texts are available. The information derived from this monument also broadens our understanding of the nature of hegemonic relationships among Classic Maya states.

Los naufragios y parte desu carga continiian siendo objeto de actividades de salvamento y comercializaciόn, que traicionan los principios éticos de la conservatiόn e investigation del patrimonio cultural. Detrás del cumplimiento de ciertos estándares metodolόgicos, la participation de profesionales, el aval de algunos gobiernos y el aplauso del público, la principal motivatiόn de dichas actividades yace en la obtenciόn de un rádito econόmico, mediante la subasta de un acervo patrimonial no renovable. En este trabajo se expone una critica a los principios que rigen estas actividades, con especial atenciόn en los naufragios y las colecciones de monedas. Sobre la base de cuestiones eticas, epistemologicas y técnicas, se presentan los lineamientos fundamentales de un modelo centrado en la investigation, puesta en valor y preservatiόn a largo plazo de los artefactos.

En este artículo se realiza una descripción y análisis de los primeros edificios monumentales, caminos, geoglifos y canales de irrigación del valle de Chincha, costa sur del Perú, como un conjunto de rasgos producto de la construcción de un paisaje ritual y político. Se plantea que los edificios monumentales del periodo Paracas tardío (400–100 a.C.) fueron puntos de llegada, encuentro y salida de grupos humanos muy bien organizados en el territorio. Para organizar y dirigir los movimientos sociales hacia esta arquitectura, las elites que dirigieron la construcción de estos rasgos en el paisaje utilizaron su conocimiento del movimiento del sol durante el año, especialmente, durante los solsticios y equinoccios.

Increasingly, archaeological research in Amazonia is revealing complex precolonial occupation in areas around riverine confluences. In 2014, the first site-based archaeological investigations were undertaken in Gurupá, Pará, Brazil, a municipality that spans the region of the Xingu-Amazon confluence. The Portuguese controlled access to Amazonia from 1623 onward through a network of settlements organized around Gurupá. Results from extensive excavations of terra preta sites, landscape archaeology, and analysis of ceramic evidence suggest that this was also a precolonial crossroads. Carrazedo, once a booming historical town (Arapijó), sits atop a significantly larger terra preta site. Excavations in historical and precolonial sectors of Carrazedo found well-preserved remains, including a precolonial house terrace complex. The extent of terra preta and earthworks at Carrazedo indicate that the precolonial occupation was more intensive than the colonial-historical period occupation. Regional survey revealed colonial-historical period sites consistently overlying expansive precolonial sites, the density and extent of which suggest a major precolonial center at the Xingu-Amazon confluence. Overall, ecological and landscape modifications appear to have been more intense in the precolonial past than during later periods. Short- and long-distance settlement networks also differed during the two periods. This as-of-yet understudied region promises to shed new light on deep-time human-environment interactions and spatial organization in the humid tropics of Amazonia.

Fifty years ago, Heyerdahl and Skjølsvold (1956, 1990) collected material from five archaeological sites in the Galápagos Islands. They retained earthenwares of possible precolumbian origin and discarded ceramic, metal, and glass artifacts postdating the arrival of the Spanish in A.D. 1535. Consequently, they argued that each site was formed as the results of a series of discard events from unrelated short-term occupations extending from the precolumbian to the historical era, and that the earthenwares represented occasional visits by fishermen from precolumbian Peru and Ecuador. In 2005, we re-excavated the sites and collected all the excavated materials. Our results show that each class of material, irrespective of age or origin, was distributed spatially and stratigraphically in the same pattern, contradicting the former assumption of multiple, unrelated occupations. We reject the palimpsest model in favor of the null hypothesis of single-phase site occupation. Analysis of putatively precolumbian pottery using optically-stimulated luminescence dating indicates that it is mostly of historical age. Radiocarbon dating confirms that the archaeological sites are younger than the sixteenth century. Research on sedimentary cores shows probable anthropogenic impacts as restricted to the last 500 years. We conclude that there was no human occupation in the Galápagos Islands until the historical era.

Cinnabar ore is the source of a bright red pigment (mercury [II] sulfide, HGS), a substance that was highly valued in the Central Andes during prehispanic times. It is traditionally believed to come from Huancavelica in south-central Peru, although some scholars have argued that a prehispanic cinnabar source existed at Azogues near Cuenca in southern Ecuador. It has also been suggested that the cinnabar recovered at archaeological sites in northern Peru such as Baton Grande may have come from this putative Ecuadorian source. In this article, the historical and archaeological evidence supporting this position is evaluated and found to be insufficient to sustain the Ecuadorian Cinnabar Hypothesis. Moreover, recent mercury isotope analysis of archaeological samples from northern Peru supports the earlier hypothesis that the source of the bright red pigment, sometimes referred to as vermilion, was cinnabar ore mined in Huancavelica. This source is located over 850 km to the south of archaeological sites such as Batdn Grande, Chongoyape, and Pacopampa.

Los recientes datos metalúrgicos y culturales provenientes de cuatro sitios en La Cuenca de Sayula, Jalisco, han permitido ampliar y plantear nuevos conocimientos acerca de la metalurgia prehispánica del Occidente de México. Por primera vez un conjunto amplio de datos contextualizados permite relacionar distintos complejos técnicos con tradiciones culturales específicas. En el conjunto de objetos se identificaron los dos complejos técnicos característicos de la metalurgia del Occidente de México (período 1 y 2). Estos complejos están asociados con cuatro tradiciones culturales diferentes (Aztatlán, Sur de Jalisco, Amacueca y Tarasca) en el marco de una secuencia que abarca unos siete siglos (800–1532 d.C.). Los nuevos datos aquí presentados muestran que ambos complejos fueron contemporáneos durante unos 200 años, en los sitios de La Peña y Caseta, evidenciando desarrollos tecnológicos paralelos. Además, el sitio de Caseta presenta una de las fechas más tempranas asociadas con aleaciones metálicas registradas hasta el momento en Mesoamérica (cal. 1040–1290 d.C.). Asimismo, el asentamiento evidencia un desarrollo pre-tarasco del complejo tecnológico del período 2, cuyas raíces podrían estar en el Sur de Jalisco y Colima, de acuerdo a la evidencia arqueológica.

Images on Late Preclassic (300 B.C.–A.D. 250) monuments from Izapa, Chiapas, Mexico, featuring canoe scenes, maize deities, and water gods, have long been interpreted as representing mythic passages. While significant, such interpretations neglect other aspects of the scenes, including environmental and socioeconomic concerns that revolve around rain, subsistence, and water transport. By contextualizing these images and linking them to recent archaeological investigations that illuminate aspects of the Late Preclassic economy of Izapa, I argue that the scenes strategically situated economic activities— maize agriculture, the trade and transport of goods in canoes, even salt production—within a mythic framework. The images constitute an artistic program that entwined mythic tales, industries of salt production, and traditions of water navigation and that phrased them as part of a system of social order during a period of incipient state formation.

Chavín de Huántar is a Formative-period site (broadly 1500–200 B.C.) in the Peruvian Andes known for its highly complex art and monumental architecture. Recent excavations in the La Banda sector uncovered domestic settlements. The zooarchaeological analysis demonstrates that meat was locally produced and many bone tools were manufactured in this sector. These results contrast with previous faunal analysis from other parts of the site in which it was argued that dry camelid meat on the bone (ch’arki) was traded in exchange for local crops. The local economy of Chavín de Huántar was complex, showing different economic strategies across the site. While there is abundant evidence for the trade of lightweight exotic goods at the site (seashells, marine bone, obsidian, and cinnabar), the subsistence economy was locally focused.

In this paper, we examine wood charcoal assemblages that were recovered from ash layers in Terminal Classic (A.D. 800–950) burials at the Maya site of Rio Bee to understand the use of fuel wood in funerary rites. Compared to charcoal deposits from domestic and non-funerary contexts, the spectrum of wood taxa used in the burial deposits is unique, which suggests specific fire-related practices. Members of the Sapotaceae family and Cordiasp. dominated all contexts and were clearly primary fuels. In contrast, the use of pine (Pinus sp.), which does not grow locally today, was limited to ritual practices. In addition, it seems that a deliberate effort was made to maximize the taxonomic richness of the fuel wood used in burials. Funerary charcoal deposits appear to have been carefully and intentionally “composed” for burning during funerary rites. We propose that this practice materialized the relationship between fire, ash, and the cycles of life and death, which are often symbolized by plant life cycles in the worldview of ancient Maya societies. This study also emphasizes the contribution of anthracological (wood charcoal) analysis to the reconstruction of human behavior and the importance of systematic paleoethnobotanical sampling in funerary contexts.

Hunter-gatherer occupations of the forests of Patagonia are still not well understood compared to those of the open steppe and the coasts. The paucity of forest sites with a thorough chronological framework and the incomplete picture of climate-human dynamics in such environments pose a challenge to understanding the occupations of such habitats. This paper presents recent work at the Las Quemas rockshelter, an archaeological site located in the Andean forests of the Aisén region (44°38’ S) dating between 6100 and 2400 cal B.P. We examine the context of the site, its rock art, and the technological and functional dimensions of its lithic assemblage. By comparing these records with local environmental reconstructions that report forest area fluctuations after the Post-Glacial period, this study provides novel data for a comprehensive regional-scale model of human occupations in central Patagonian forests. Following an initial mid-Holocene occupation, recurring occupational events at the site coincide with a significant contraction of forested area in the region during the late Holocene. The results are discussed in regard to regional archaeological data and current models of forest occupation in Patagonia.

To study the Classic Maya is to at once recognize the shared material representations and practices that give coherence to this cultural category as a unit of analysis, as well as to critically examine the diversity and idiosyncrasy of specific cultural traits within prehispanic Maya society. Maya hieroglyphic writing, in particular the tradition of inscribing texts and images on carved stone monuments, offers evidence for widespread and mutually intelligible cultural practices that were, at the same time, neither unchanging nor uniform in their semantic content. As conduits of linguistic and cultural information, Maya hieroglyphic monuments offer detailed records of Classic Maya dynastic history that include the names, dates, and specific rituals performed by élite individuals. In this article, we analyze the distribution and diversity of these inscriptions to examine ritual variation and the divergence of dynastic traditions in Classic Maya society. Diversity indices and methods adapted from population genetics and ecology are applied to quantify the degree of ritual differentiation and evaluate how these measures vary over time and are partitioned within and between elite populations. Results of this research refine our understanding about the variation of Clássic Maya ritual traditions and make substantive contributions to examining the population structure of cultural diversity within past complex societies.

We present new regional settlement pattern data from the eastern Soconusco region, Chiapas, Mexico, including a detailed reconstruction of the first millennium A.D. occupation of the site of Izapa. Results from an initial campaign of light detection and ranging (lidar) data acquisition and analysis of systematically collected surface remains document the full extent of the Classic-period occupation of Izapa. These lidar and pedestrian survey data also illustrate how people were distributed across the landscape from 100 B.C. to A.D. 1000 (Hato to Remanso phases). Survey results indicate significant population increase during the Terminal Formative (A.D. 100–300) and initial Early Classic (A.D. 300–400) periods, followed by a virtual abandonment of both piedmont and low-hills survey zones from A.D. 400 to A.D. 700. The population increased in both survey zones during the Late and Terminal Classic periods (A.D. 700–1000) coinciding with the presence of a large regional center in the low-hills zone and 46 secondary centers recorded within the 400-km2 area covered by the lidar survey. These secondary centers consist of numerous small mounds around circular or square plazas. Together, the results of the lidar study and systematic pedestrian survey offer the first glimpse of population dynamics and political organization in the area around Izapa during the first millennium A.D.

Los cuyes (Cavia sp.) son roedores que fueron domesticados en la Zona Andina de América. Su consumo aún sigue siendo importante en países como Ecuador y Perú, así como en el sur de Colombia. En épocas prehispánicas, el aprovechamiento de Cavia se realizaba a lo largo de la cordillera de los Andes en Colombia; sin embargo, en la actualidad solo es consumido en Nariño, al sur del país. En Colombia existen dos especies silvestres (Cavia anolaimae y Cavia guianae) y una doméstica (Cavia porcellus) y en el área de la Sabana de Bogotá fue una fuente proteica muy importante. Existen evidencias de cuyes domésticos en sitios precerámicos como Tequendama 1, Checua y Nemocón 4. El objetivo de este trabajo es entender el papel que jugaron los cuyes dentro de las estrategias de subsistencia de los grupos cazadores-recolectores y agricultores de la Sabana de Bogotá, a partir de un estudio zooarqueológico y tafonómico de los restos encontrados en el sitio arqueológico Aguazuque. El consumo de Cavia a lo largo de las ocupaciones de dicho sitio, determinó las estrategias de subsistencia de estos grupos humanos. Se consumieron cuyes silvestres (C. anolaimae), así como también cuyes domésticos (C. porcellus). Asimismo, se identificaron modificaciones antrópicas relacionadas con el procesamiento y consumo de estos animales.