The coastal plains of the States of Paraná and Santa Catarina, in Southern Brazil, were first settled around 6000 B.P. by shellmound builders, a successful fisher-hunter-gatherer population that inhabited the coastal lowlands practically unchanged for almost five thousand years. Shellmounds were typically occupied as residential sites as well as cemeteries, andare usually associated with rich alimentary zones. Around 1200 B.P., the first evidence of ceramics brought from the interior is found in coastal areas, and together with ceramics there is a progressive abandonment of shellmound construction in favor of flat and shallow sites. Here we consider if these changes were reflected in the postmarital residence practice of coastal groups, i.e., if the arrival or intensification of contact with groups from the interior resulted in changes in this aspect of social structure among the coastal groups. To test the postmarital residence practice we analyzed within-group variability ratios between males and females, following previous studies on the topic, and between-group correlations between Mahalanobis distances and geographic distances. The results suggest that in the pre-ceramic series a matrilocal, postmarital residential system predominated, while in the ceramic period there was a shift toward patrilocality. This favors the hypothesis that the changes experienced by coastal groups after 1200 B.P. affected not only their economy and material culture, but important aspects of their sociopolitical organization as well.

Standards for diaphyseal lengths of the femur, humerus, and tibia that can be used in juvenile age estimation for the ancient Maya are presented. It is argued that these new standards are necessary given differences in stature and limb proportion in Mesoamerican groups compared to the prehistoric North American groups upon whom the current available standards have been developed. Using data from 96 juveniles in the protohistoric Maya series from Tipu, Belize, regression equations were developed to predict age of dental development using diaphyseal lengths; all had excellent fit and statistical significance. When the equations were tested with diaphyseal lengths from other Mesoamerican populations, the results were supportive of such application.

Abbreviated Neutron Activation Analysis (NAA) was carried out on a sample of obsidian artifacts from the Terminal Formative to early Late Classic period site of Palo Errado, located in the southern Gulf lowlands of Veracruz, Mexico. Our understanding of Classic period obsidian economies in the southern Gulf lowlands has been largely informed by studies of the political economies of the highland Mexican cities of Teotihuacan and Cantona, which appear to have controlled the Pachuca and Otumba, and Zaragoza-Oyameles obsidian sources, respectively. However, the NAA results from Palo Errado indicate that while the local obsidian economy was dominated by prismatic blade technology utilizing Zaragoza-Oyameles obsidian, five additional highland Mexican sources were used during the Early Classic period. The presence of Ucareo and the use of Otumba in core-blade reduction, for instance, set Palo Errado apart from contemporary sites in the southern Gulf lowlands. Temporal variation in quantity of supplemental obsidian sources and their use in different reduction technologies suggest that consumers at Palo Errado had access to abundant Zaragoza-Oyameles obsidian of a quality high enough to facilitate the production of fine prismatic blades. At the same time, however, they continued to participate in exchange networks that tied them to other areas of central Mexico, independently from other contemporaneous sites in the southern Gulf lowlands.

This paper analyzes the reading format and reading order of the recently described Cascajal Block, an artifact with an Olmec-style inscription. The analysis, based not on the iconicity of the signs and their orientation, but solely on the formal and organizational characteristics of the text as a whole, and the patterns of repeated sign sequences, suggests that the text was written from left-to-right, bottom-to-top—if one assumes the orientation assigned to the block by Rodríguez Martínez et al. (2006). However, a simple 90-degree rotation of the block would render the text in left-to-right, top-to-bottom reading format and order—the same as that of later Mesoamerican scripts. It is suggested that the San Andres roller stamp and the La Venta obsidian core, both of which exhibit a pictorial image and an accompanying text, allow for a determination of the relative orientation of text and image with respect to each other, and support the hypothesis for the reading format proposed here. Also, preliminary structural analysis of the text reveals several patterns that are possibly indicative of linguistic structuring, and steps for future work on decipherment are outlined. Finally, the findings are placed within a broader context of previous studies of Olmec writing.

The stable carbon and nitrogen isotope values (δ13C, δ15N) of collagen and the carbon isotope value of structural carbonate in bioapatite were measured in the bones and teeth of Early Classic to Historic period Maya buried at Chau Hiix, Belize. Diet at Chau Hiix comprised a mixture of resources but contained an unusual amount of protein from high trophic levels. There were no differences between the diets of males and females, and there were no consistent changes in diet from birth to age 12. However, children consumed more maize than adults during all time periods. Similarities in general diet and temporal changes at Chau Hiix, Lamanai, and Altun Ha suggest their participation in a regional socioeconomic system. The diets of the highest-status Early Classic individuals at Chau Hiix, Lamanai, and Altun Ha were different from one another and from those of other individuals buried at their respective sites. We suggest that elites created or attempted to create hierarchies of food consumption within sites during the Classic period and that a heterarchy existed among elites from different sites. During the Postclassic period the major protein component of the Chau Hiix diet shifted from terrestrial animal and/or freshwater resources to reef resources, which suggests increased associations with coastal sites. Temporal changes in diet at Chau Hiix closely paralleled changes at Lamanai, but diets at the two sites were distinct during all time periods.

This article examines the cultural and ecological history of a single Maya territory from circa 1000 B.C. to A.D. 1100. An ancient Maya territory is defined as an area of land and population under the jurisdiction of a particular capital. In addition to the capital, there are minor centers, household groups, and temporary settlements, which together comprise the population of a territory. Here, the San Bartolo-Xultun territory in the northeastern Department of the Peten, Guatemala is used as a case study. During more than two thousand years of occupation the natural landscape and cultural settlement pattern changed dramatically. This study isolates major factors contributing to broad changes in local culture history by employing data from archaeology, geography, remote sensing, epigraphy, and iconography. It is argued that reconstructing regional culture histories using a conjunctive approach should be a major goal of Maya archaeology in the coming years as we strive for a more holistic understanding of the past.

The archaeological site of Galindo, located in the Moche Valley, is one of the most important Late Moche (ca. A. D. 600—800) centers on the North Coast of Peru. The site was once thought to have been occupied only after the nearby Huacas de Moche, the paramount Middle Moche (ca. A. D. 300–600) center in the valley, was abandoned. Recent radiocarbon dates from the Huacas de Moche, however, indicate that it continued to be occupied well into the eighth century A. D. This paper presents data on the occupational history of Galindo recently obtained during the Galindo Archaeological Project (GAP). These data, along with similar data from the Huacas de Moche, present a new understanding of the occupational history of the Moche Valley during the first half of the Middle Horizon (A.D. 600–1000).

This study uses architectural and activity area analyses to examine the Classic-Postclassic transition and the resulting Postclassic-Early Historic (A. D. 1000–1697) Maya society in the Petén Lakes region of Guatemala. The research combines a detailed temporal comparison of architectural styles and an analysis of changing architecture as the restructuring of everyday social action. The methods have significance beyond Maya studies in addressing questions of cultural continuity or in-migration. Archaeological data from recent excavations, including new radiocarbon dates, document the intensive settlement of the Quexil Islands in the Terminal Classic period (A. D. 800–1000) and its occupation thereafter. Architectural evidence from the Quexil Islands and other Petén Lakes sites indicates a mosaic pattern of change, reflecting to varying extents Classic-Postclassic continuity and external contacts, with differences among sites rather than the complete replacement of populations. Evidence of the later incorporation of this small village, known ethnohistorically as “Eckixil,” in the Late Postclassic-Early Historic Itza polity, demonstrates a strong linkage with the political core, illustrating the political complexity of this hinterland region.

The lower Ica Valley on the hyperarid south coast of Peru is today largely depopulated and bereft of cultivation, yet its extensive archaeological remains attest to substantial prehispanic populations. This paper describes archaeological investigations to retrace changes in geomorphology, ecology, and land-use in Samaca, one of the riparian oasis basins of the lower Río lea, with the aim of investigating when, how, and why such changes took place. Archaeological interpretations of culture change in the region often invoke the impacts of major ENSO perturbations (El Niño). While our investigations confirm that major El Niño events around the end of the Early Intermediate Period likely offer part of the explanation for marked landscape change in the Samaca Basin, we also demonstrate the significance of more gradual, human-induced destruction of Prosopis pallida (huarango) riparian dry-forest. Huarango is a remarkable leguminous hardwood that lives for over a millennium and provides forage, fuel, and food. Moreover, it plays a crucial role in integrating fragile desert ecosystems, enhancing soil fertility and moisture, and accomplishing desalination and microclimatic amelioration. We propose that south coast valleys remained densely forested well into the Early Intermediate Period, attenuating the impact of El Niño events and supporting hitherto underappreciated agroforestry adaptations. Gradual deforestation eventually crossed an environmental threshold: river and wind erosion increased dramatically and precipitated radical desertification, feeding back into cultural changes in the Middle Horizon. Thus we argue Prosopis-human ecological relationships merit proper recognition in our archaeological interpretations of the south coast of Peru.

Archaeological research within the Classic Maya center of Copan and in its surrounding rural regions has generated new data relating to the periods both preceding and following the center’s Classic period dynasty. Recent excavations at both Late Preclassic and Early Postclassic settlements have revealed more similarities between the inhabitants of these two “non-Classic” time periods than to the inhabitants of the intervening and better known Classic period. We explore this striking set of similarities in terms of settlement pattern, spatial organization, architecture, material culture, and ritual deposits and spaces. We suggest that the similarities between the Copan region’s Late Preclassic and Early Postclassic populations and their mutual differences with intervening Classic period peoples reflecta cultural connection between these two populations.

Chiconautla, situated on the northeastern shore of Lake Texcoco and the southern edge of the Teotihuacan Valley, lay at an important juncture for east-west exchange in the Basin of Mexico with connections to asfar away as the Gulf Coast. Recently, we completed an INAA study on ceramics from Chiconautla to examine marketing and exchange patterns from A. D. 950 to 1521. We present these data and contextualize them in light of contexts excavated at the site by George C. Vaillant, in particular materials from an Aztec noble residence he called “Casa Reales.” We also examine historical information regarding Chiconautla’s role in Aztec society as it existed at the eve of Spanish conquest. We evaluate the site’s particular position at the crossroads of important trade routes in light of recent models of Aztec markets and exchange and what these patterns say about shifting political affiliations in this critical region.

This article presents stable nitrogen and carbon isotopie analyses of diet at the Maya sites of Marco Gonzalez and San Pedro, Belize. This study, which provides important insight into social organization, trade, and subsistence economy for the Postclassic and Historic periods (ca. A.D. 900–1650), also expands our understanding of the distribution of stable carbon and nitrogen isotopes within coral reef food webs off coastal Belize. Marco Gonzalez and San Pedro represent the first documented ancient Maya populations whose diet consisted mostly of marine resources with a minimal reliance upon maize. Although these sites do not appear highly stratified, and there are no dietary differences between sexes or status, the inhabitants of Marco Gonzalez incorporated more mainland-terrestrial animals and maize into their diet than the people of San Pedro. This finding supports the postulated roles of these two settlements, where Marco Gonzalez had trade ties to the mainland site of Lamanai and San Pedro was a small fishing village.

Se estudia la diferenciación temporal y la divergencia genética entre los períodos Formativo (300 a.C–400 d.C), Tiwanaku (400 d.C–1000 d.C.) y Desarrollo Regional (1000 d.C–1470 d.C.) del grupo inhumado en el ayllu de Quitor de San Pedro de Atacama (Norte de Chile), con el fin de conocer si existen cambios biológicos asociados con los períodos o fases del desarrollo cultural de la región. La muestra está representada por 326 individuos provenientes de diferentes sitios o sectores del yacimiento. Para evaluar las diferencias fenotípicas entre períodos se emplearon 37 caracteres métricos del cráneo y un conjunto de procedimientos de análisis estadístico uni y multivariado. En el marco de la teoría genética de los caracteres cuantitativos se espera que el parentesco de cada período junto con la varianza fenotípica, fluctúen de acuerdo con el tamaño efectivo y el aporte migratorio desde regiones próximas y más o menos distantes. En efecto, el parentesco promedio estimado para este ayllu (FST) fue de .03, siendo mayor en mujeres que en hombres. En general, de acuerdo con este valor es posible inferir que los habitantes de Quitor vivieron en una condición de mayor aislamiento que los grupos agroalfareros asentados en el Valle de Azapa (FST = .013). Además en el período Medio (Tiwanaku) se produjo un incremento moderado de la varianza fenotípica producida probablemente por un exceso de flujo gènico proveniente de regiones próximas.

Two Terminal Formative (ca. 100 B. C.–A.D. 100) domestic areas of La Laguna, Tlaxcala, are compared to examine variability in residential structures, assemblages, and practices, and their correlation to status differences at this midsize regional center during the period of initial central Mexican urbanization and state formation. Combining multiple lines of evidence, the study assesses the applicability of previous frameworks for investigating household status to this particular community. It demonstrates significant differences between elite and commoner residences in architectural elaboration, labor mobilization, access to certain foreign goods, and particular ritual practices, but general similarities in domestic economies and more restrained differentiation informs of personal adornment and domestic ritual. These conclusions are consistent with demarcated lineage ranking but relatively minor wealth accumulation by a more rural elite located peripherally to larger cities and polities.

Recent INAH excavations and reanalysis of data from the Carnegie Institution archaeological project document the survival and revival of Classic and Terminal Classic traditions at Postclassic Mayapán, the last Maya capital in Mexico. The survival of some Terminal Classic ceramic types and architectural forms at Mayapán around A.D. 1100–1200 reflects a pattern of continuity. A revival of earlier traditions is notable in the erection of stelae marking the katun endings and in Postclassic architecture that incorporates iconographie elements from Terminal Classic Puuc sites and the city of Chichén Itzá. The rulers and priests of Mayapán displayed their connection with the Terminal Classic Maya heritage to assert political power. The Puuc revival at Mayapán is linked with the Xiu priests, whereas the revival of the Itzá heritage of Chichén Itzá is affiliated with the Cocom rulers. Between A.D. 1250 and 1400, revival-style architecture at Mayapán was inspired by local traditions in the area of Yucatán. After A.D. 1400, trade contact with the East Coast inspired new art forms linked with the international style associated with Mixteca-Puebla art.

Although Spanish chroniclers referred frequently to coerced migration in the Inca Empire, these migrations have been difficult to document archaeologically. One approach to migration studies, strontium isotope (87Sr/86Sr) analysis, has emerged as an effective technique. Until now, however, this method has not been applied to the Inca heartland region of Cuzco, Peru. In this study, we use strontium isotope analysis to examine patterns of prehistoric migration in the Cuzco Valley. Human dental enamel samples from the Cuzco Valley site of Chokepukio are analyzed and compared to the local 87Sr/86Sr signature established through faunal specimens. Though tentative due to a small sample size, the isotope results do not provide evidence for migration at this site from the time periods preceding the rise of the Inca Empire (200 B.C. to A.D. 1400). In contrast, there is substantial evidence for migration during the time of Inca imperialism (A.D. 1400–1532). Among these migrants, variation in 87Sr/86Sr values suggests that individuals emigrated from geologically diverse locations, while sex differences in the migrant group include a higher percentage of females and a greater diversity in female 87Sr/86Sr values. These data, along with ethnohistoric evidence, reveal how Inca labor policies reconfigured the composition of populations in the imperial heartland.

This study assesses whether local genetic drift within populations can be rejected as a sufficient explanation for mitochondrial DNA haplogroup frequency changes between contemporary and prehistoric population samples in the South-Central Andes. Differences in the frequencies of haplogroups between populations are a popular line of evidence for assessing population history. The null hypothesis of haplo group frequency change is a stochastic force inherent to finite populations called genetic drift. Genetic drift is particularly influential in small populations. Innumerable historical events can result in low population sizes, and the simplest scenarios for these events are those occurring locally. In this study, simulations are used to provide a baseline for the amount of haplogroup-frequency difference expected from local genetic drift over time. The results from the simulations are compared to observed data from 23 population samples, including six prehistoric population samples. The study concludes that local genetic drift cannot be rejected when comparing a prehistoric population to a contemporary population. For the South-Central Andes, these results have dire consequences when attempting to infer genetic exchange. This study demonstrates that more informative genetic data are required for such inferences.

The ethnographic, archaeological, and ethnohistorical data discussed in this report help shed light on the cultural processes and the resulting archaeological correlates (i.e., artifacts and features) linked with aquatic subsistence in Lake Cuitzeo, Michoacán, México. This information is vital for interpreting the archaeological record not just in the study area, but also in all those parts of West Mexico and elsewhere in Mesoamerica where lakes, rivers, marshes, and streams offered a natural bounty for human exploitation. The Lake Cuitzeo Basin was a key economic area for the prehispanic Tarascan state, thanks to its wealth of mineral resources (primarily obsidian and salt). Although non-agricultural resources such as fish, wild plants, aquatic fowl and other wildlife were probably no less important for human subsistence than the area’s mineral riches, they have seldom been taken systematically into consideration by archaeologists in this part of Mesoamerica. This ethnoarchaeological research sheds light on ancient subsistence through the study of contemporary activities such as fishing, hunting, and gathering wild plants, and the associated material culture and work areas. This ethnographic information, as well as the extant ethnohistorical and archaeological records, offer an insight into prehispanic subsistence activities, which is critical for a better understanding of cultural and ecological adaptation in the study area through time.

The emergence of the Triple Alliance empire and the consolidation of political power in the Basin of Mexico is traditionally associated with a high level of economic integration achieved through regional market exchange. Although researchers debate whether the market system was dominated by commercial factors or political forces, the assumption that the pax azteca led to a single, basin-wide exchange system is not generally challenged. Yet an increasing number of stylistic and compositional analyses indicate that significant regional subdivisions existed within the Aztec core, although the spatial scale, nature, and significance of these systems remains poorly understood. This study contributes to the body of evidence suggesting that economic divisions existed under the Triple Alliance, by presenting spatial patterning in Aztec Red Wares (guinda or rojo pulido) ceramics. By combining both stylistic and compositional analyses of this ceramic ware, it is possible to demonstrate both the strength of economic divisions as well as map their boundaries for a significant portion of the Basin. The regional patterns in artifact distribution highlighted in this and prior studies underscore the complexity of exchange interactions that evolved under Aztec rule and which must be explained by future models of the Aztec market system.