The theory proposed here, the Markedness Theory of Syllable Structure (MTSS), provides an account of syllabic phonotactics, wherein not only are features defining phonological content underspecified, but also those which determine the number and order of segments. The descriptive basis of MTSS in this paper consists of the minimally redundant underlying representations (URs) of stressed syllables in English. These forms are parsimoniously accounted for by a theory in which content features are associated with prosodic nodes in UR, and which contains an algorithm which maps UR prosodic nodes, specified for feature content, into strings of timing units (x's on the skeletal tier), with fully specified syllabic structures on the prosodic tier.

Considering all the work done on vowel system typology and universals in the past half-century (Trubetzkoy 1929, 1939; Hockett Sedlak 1969; Crothers 1978), my title may seem rather arrogant. There are after all theories of vocalic organisation about, or at least models and taxonomies; there are even attempts to explain why certain implicational universals seem to hold (from Jakobson's [laws of solidarity] (1968) to the more sophisticated treatments in Liljencrants & Lindblom 1972; Kim 1973; etc.).

The study of the relation between syntactic structure and phonological representation has attracted the attention of many phonologists in the past few years. One important contribution to this field of study is Chen's (1987) work on Xiamen Chinese tone sandhi domains. He suggests that the syntax–phonology relation appeals to syntactic information such as category types and the edges of syntactic bracketings. This insight has been further elaborated in the general theory of the syntax—phonology relation of Selkirk (1986). In this theory, the relation between syntactic structure and prosodic structure above the foot and below the intonational phrase is defined in terms of the edges of syntactic constituents of designated types. More precisely, this theory incorporates two hypotheses. One is that there are designated category types in syntactic structure with respect to which one end (Right or Left) of the designated category is relevant in the formulation of a prosodic constituent C, which extends from one instance of the appropriate end (R/L) of the designated category to the next. This hypothesis has been called the End Parameter.

In this paper, we use articulatory measures to determine whether Dutch schwa epenthesis is an abstract phonological process or a concrete phonetic process depending on articulatory timing. We examine tongue position during /l/ before underlying schwa and epenthetic schwa and in coda position. We find greater tip raising before both types of schwa, indicating light /l/ before schwa and dark /l/ in coda position. We argue that the ability of epenthetic schwa to condition the /l/ alternation shows that Dutch schwa epenthesis is an abstract phonological process involving insertion of some unit, and cannot be accounted for within Articulatory Phonology.

The results of two artificial grammar experiments show that individuals learn a distinction between identical and non-identical consonant pairs better than an arbitrary distinction, and that they generalise the distinction to novel segmental pairs. These results have implications for inductive models of learning, because they necessitate an explicit representation of identity. While identity has previously been represented as root-node sharing in autosegmental representations (Goldsmith 1976, McCarthy 1986), or implicitly assumed to be a property that constraints can reference (MacEachern 1999, Coetzee & Pater 2008), the model of inductive learning proposed by Hayes & Wilson (2008) assumes strictly feature-based representations, and is unable to reference identity directly. This paper explores the predictions of the Hayes & Wilson model and compares it to a modification of the model where identity is represented (Colavin et al.2010). The results of both experiments support a model incorporating direct reference to identity.

This paper advances a novel analysis of Spanish non-verb stress couched in the metrical model of Halle & Idsardi (1995), minimally augmented with an Edge Marking domain parameter. All relevant data are surveyed, and the patterns are classified on empirical grounds into unmarked, marked and supermarked. The unmarked pattern, assigned by default, has the stem-final syllable stressed, while the marked pattern involves a binary trochee, also on the right edge of the stem, and supermarked stress a non-final binary trochee or a word Edge Marking domain. All and only these patterns are generated, in both singulars and plurals, through permutations in the settings of three of the four Edge Marking components (domain included), checked by an avoidance constraint barring stress from the desinence. The ‘three-syllable window’ directly falls out from this machinery, both in the established Spanish vocabulary and in incoming borrowings, blind mimicry of the source form thus being obviated, indeed contradicted.

In this paper we show how Jessen & Ringen's (2002) analysis of voicing in German stops can be extended to account for the voicing of German fricatives. It is argued that while stops in German contrast for the feature [spread glottis], fricatives contrast for [voice] (and [spread glottis]). Our analysis, which involves presonorant faithfulness, is compared to an analysis with coda devoicing. We show that the two analyses make crucially different predictions, and present experimental evidence in support of the presonorant faithfulness analysis. The experimental results show considerable variation, which can be accommodated in our OT analysis.

It is well known that though reduplicative morphemes generally fill their content through copy from a base stem, some also display a portion of fixed material. Understanding the source of such fixed segmentism in reduplication has been a matter of controversy and the subject of ongoing research in phonological theory. A long-standing theoretical approach has attributed any fixed content to prespecified material (Marantz 1982, Yip 1982 and subsequent developments; see Alderete et al. 1999 for an overview). However, more recent work has presented an alternative. A fruitful line of inquiry has stemmed from the notion that fixed content in reduplicative affixation can be explained without prespecification, through the activity of phonological constraints that are well integrated into the phonotactics and segmental-featural system of the language (McCarthy & Prince 1994b, 1995, Urbanczyk 1996a, b, Spaelti 1997, Alderete et al. 1999). Alongside the issue of fixed segmentism stands the question whether templatic structures are required to determine the size and shape of reduplicative affixes or whether such properties can be made to follow from general constraints on prosodic structure (see work cited above; also McCarthy & Prince 1994a, Prince 1997, Gafos 1998a, b, Urbanczyk 1998; with foundation from McCarthy & Prince 1986, 1990).

This paper brings a study of Mbe affixation to bear on these issues.

Morphological concatenation often triggers phonological processes. For instance, addition of the plural suffix /-ən/ to Dutch nouns causes vowel lengthening in some nouns due to the stress-to-weight principle ([xɑt] vs. [ˈxaː.tən] ‘hole’). These kinds of processes often apply only to a subset of words – not all Dutch nouns undergo this process ([kɑt] vs. [ˈkɑ.tən] ‘cat’). Nouns need to be lexically indexed as either undergoing this process or not. I investigate how phonological grammar and lexical indexation are learned when learners are confronted with data like these. Based on learnability considerations, I hypothesise that learners acquire a grammar with default non-alternation, so that novel items are treated as non-alternating. I report the results of artificial language learning experiments compatible with this hypothesis, and model these results in a version of the Biased Constraint Demotion algorithm (Prince & Tesar 2004).

The tree model of segment structure proposed by Clements (1985) is an important innovation in phonological theory, making possible a number of interesting predictions about the form of phonological rules, locality of rule application, and the organisation of the feature system. Clements' proposal has given rise to an expanding literature, including Sagey (1986), Schein & Steriade (1986), McCarthy (1988), Archangeli & Pulleyblank (forthcoming) and other work.

The major issue with regard to underspecification theory is whether all types of redundant information should be excluded from underlying representations, or if not, then what the principles are that determine the inclusion or exclusion of particular types of information. The vowel system of Tiv, a Niger-Congo language of Nigeria, is particularly interesting in this regard since the representation of individual vowels in verbal roots requires a type of radical underspecification: no features are actually assigned to vowels underlyingly; surface forms result from the interaction of morpheme-level specifications with rules of spreading and redundancy.

An interesting feature of many Bantu languages is the presence of what have been called ‘prenasalised consonants’-these are typically sounds that might be interpreted as a sequence of nasal + stop, but which behave in many respects like single segments:

In many languages, fundamental frequency shows a marked decrease utterance-finally or phrase-finally. Ladefoged (1982) generalises that ‘in nearly all languages the completion of a grammatical unit such as a normal sentence is signaled by a falling pitch’. Bolinger (1978) also writes that ‘the most widely diffused intonational phenomenon seems to be the tendency to “go down at the end”’. These sorts of abrupt decreases which affect only the end of the utterance (known as FINAL LOWERING) are distinct from gradual decreases in fundamental frequency over the course of the entire utterance (known as DECLINATION). Bolinger (1978) notes the same distinction, characterising it as the difference between ‘a rapid downward motion at the very end, usually if not always associated with a terminal accent’ and ‘downward drift from a high beginning’. Final lowering as distinct from declination is documented in Japanese by Poser (1984) and by Pierrehumbert & Beckman (1988); in English by Liberman & Pierrehumbert (1984); in Dutch by Gussenhoven & Rietveld (1988); in Danish by Thorsen (1985); in Yoruba by Connell & Ladd (1990) and by Laniran (1992); and in Kikuyu by Clements & Ford (1981) (although not all authors use the exact terminology presented here).

Analyses of final lowering range from attributing final lowering to changes in tonal categories (discussed below in §4) to attributing final lowering to compression of the pitch range in the last section of the sentence (discussed below in §5.1). Tone languages provide an interesting testing ground for analyses of final lowering. Careful experimental study, controlling for the position of a tone from the beginning and from the end of a sentence, is one way to begin to sort out the effects of various factors such as declination and final lowering on fundamental frequency.

Looking at data from Polish and Ukrainian, this paper addresses the problem of positional faithfulness, in particular onset faithfulness. It is argued that onset faithfulness in its current understanding makes wrong predictions, because it extends the status of privilege to any consonant in the onset. The correct theory is more restrictive and treats as special only the segments that stand before a vowel: prevocalic faithfulness. A further restriction is that the vowel must constitute a syllable nucleus. In effect, then, prevocalic faithfulness refers to onsets, but restricts them to the segment directly before the nucleus.

In a typical Athapaskan language, consonants divide into three manners of articulation, stops/affricates, fricatives and sonorants. There are generally three major laryngeal classes in the stops/affricates, two in the fricatives and a single class in the sonorants. In this paper, I examine how laryngeal oppositions in stops/affricates and fricatives are best characterised. I argue in §§ 2—7 that stops/affricates (henceforth stops) are phonologically voiceless unaspirated, aspirated and glottalised, while fricatives exhibit a voiced-voiceless distinction. These classes do not account for all laryngeal interactions, however; evidence exists that aspiration and voicing cross-classify the stops and fricatives, with aspiration being necessary for fricatives and voicing for stops in late rules of the phonology; this is the topic of §§8-9. In addition, evidence suggests that while stops/affricates form a single class underlyingly, they are distinct at a late level. Implications of the analysis are discussed in §§10—11. Processes involving laryngeal features suggest a two-level model of phonology in which contrastive features are present underlyingly and predictable features are added postlexically for reasons of phonetic implementation. The absence of predictable features underlyingly argues against recent work that suggests that such features may be present at this level (e.g. Steriade 1992a, b, 1993b); their postlexical presence argues for a model in which the postlexical phonology is identifiable as the phonetic implementation component of the grammar (e.g. Mohanan 1986; see also Cohn 1993).

Coronal harmony in Kinyarwanda causes alveolar fricatives to become postalveolar preceding a postalveolar fricative within a stem. Alveolar and postalveolar stops, affricates and palatals block coronal harmony, but the flap and non-coronal consonants are reported to be transparent. Kinematic data on consonant production in Kinyarwanda were collected using electromagnetic articulography. The mean angle for the line defined by receivers placed on the tongue tip and blade was calculated over the consonant intervals. Mean angle reliably distinguished alveolar and postalveolar fricatives, with alveolars showing a lower tip relative to blade. Mean angle during transparent non-coronal consonants showed a higher tip relative to blade than in contexts without harmony, and the mean angle during transparent [m] was not significantly different than during postalveolar fricatives. This is consistent with a model where Kinyarwanda coronal harmony extends a continuous tip-blade gesture, causing it to be present during ‘transparent’ segments, but without perceptible effect.

We define a saltatory phonological alternation as one in which sound A is converted to C, leaping over phonetically intermediate B. For example, in Campidanian Sardinian, intervocalic /p/ is realised as [β] – leaping over [b], which does not alternate. Based on experimental evidence, we argue that saltation is marked, i.e. a UG bias causes language learners to disprefer it. However, despite its marked status, saltation does occur. We survey its diachronic origins, and suggest that it is never introduced as a sound change, but arises only from a variety of historical accidents. For the formal analysis of saltation, we propose a new approach, based on Zuraw's (2007, 2013) *Map constraints and Steriade's (2001, 2009) P-map. This approach is more restrictive than previous proposals, and accounts for psycholinguistic evidence indicating an anti-saltation learning bias: saltation is disfavoured during learning because it is by definition not a P-map-compliant pattern.

The Dutch lexicon contains very few sequences of a long vowel followed by a consonant cluster whose second member is a non-coronal. We provide experimental evidence that Dutch speakers have implicit knowledge of this gap, which cannot be reduced to the probability of segmental sequences or to word-likeness as measured by neighbourhood density. The experiment also suggests that the ill-formedness of this sequence is mediated by syllable structure: it has a weaker effect on speakers' judgements when the last consonant begins a new syllable. We provide an account in terms of Hayes & Wilson's (2008) maximum entropy model of phonotactics, using constraints that go beyond the complexity permitted by their model of constraint induction.

Local consonant–vowel (C–V) interaction is attested in many languages, both as a phonetic and as a phonological process. There can be a clear developmental relationship between the two, with phonologisation of phonetic interaction occurring quite commonly (Hyman 1976, Ohala 1981). Thus, a common (historical) context for nasal vowels is an adjacent nasal consonant. When consonants trigger non-local effects (i.e. when the domain of the consonantal feature extends beyond adjacent segments), typically both vowels and consonants are targeted. For example, in consonant-induced nasal or emphasis harmony all segments in the harmony domain usually take the consonantal feature. If some segments are neutral, targets still include both consonants and vowels.

This study explores ongoing lenition of postvocalic /p t k b d g/ in the Spanish of Gran Canaria. Duration, intensity and harmonics-to-noise ratio of 16,454 sounds produced by 44 native speakers were measured, with the latter phonetic parameter used for the first time to investigate lenition. The results show a path of gradual sound shortening and opening from voiceless stops to open approximants, as well as systematic use of six different variants depending on the underlying representation and phonological context: two types of [p t k], two types of [b d g] and two types of [β˕ ð˕ ɣ˕]. We interpret this as continuity lenition that leads to the flattening of the intensity contour and harmonicity of the target segment with respect to the flanking sounds. We argue that a phonological analysis of this process that accounts for its non-neutralising character requires the use of a scalar [aperture] feature.