This paper attempts at reconstructing the life cycle of flint bifacial tools in two major technological trajectories, each aimed at a different end. It is focused on discarded polished flint bifacial tools (axe, adze, chisel) and bifacial polished debitage items found in Neolithic and Chalcolithic sites (9th–6th millennium BP) from the Southern Levant.

Recent studies of Holocene flint assemblages revealed special types of debitage items such as blades, flakes, cores and core trimming elements, all bearing traces of polish. The discovery of these polished debitage items in Levantine sites enabled a study of bifacial tool resharpening and recycling techniques, emphasising the exceptional attention paid to this tool category. Since polished bifacial tools appear in many old world Holocene archaeological contexts, the data and interpretation presented in this study have implications far beyond the Southern Levant and could relate to universal technological properties of flint axes and other bifacial tools.

For many years a programme of examining stone implements has been organized by the Council for British Archaeology's Sub-Committee for Implement Petrology. The East Anglian aspect of this programme, covering the counties of Norfolk, Suffolk, Cambridgeshire and Essex, has long been active, being administered from Norwich Castle Museum under the auspices of the CBA, first by the late R. Rainbird Clarke and more recently by the authors of this report. The petrological work has been very largely undertaken by Dr F. S. Wallis and Mr E. D. Evens in co-operation with the Geological Department of Bristol University. The results embodied in this report, with those for Yorkshire recently published (Keen & Radley, 1971) and other identifications noted in the CBA's Annual Reports, and with the Fifth Report on south-western implements which appears elsewhere in these Proceedings (Evens, Smith & Wallis, 1972), may be taken together as a measure of the debt which prehistorians owe to Dr. Wallis and Mr Evens—the ‘Evens and self’ of much correspondence.

Ethnographic data has been used to show that ‘most differences between hunters and farmers are a matter of degree, and there is no sharp dividing line between the two means of subsistence’ (Orme 1977, 46). The early Neolithic of southern England, as defined from the archaeological record, is likely to reflect the adaptations of a mature techno-economic system to an environment already much altered by the activities of late Mesolithic groups and immigrant pioneer ‘agriculturalists’. Case has shown the need for a long period of pioneer activity during which contact with indigenous groups would have taken place and hunting and gathering provided an essential supplementary means of subsistence (1969). By the later Mesolithic, internal population growth and the spread of closed forest, which affected the availability of food resources, may have created internal pressures on the mobile hunter-gatherer subsistence base (Jacobi 1978, Evans 1975). Zones of particularly rich resources, such as the Kennet and Thames valley, may have provided conditions which allowed a reduction in group mobility. Attempts may also have been made in other areas to increase the resources available by limited forest clearance, more controlled use of plant resources, and an increase in the exploitation of coastal environments (Jacobi 1973 and 1978, Mellars 1976, Clarke 1976). Thus, during the crucial period of contact both systems were under stress, and it is no longer valid to attempt to identify a Late Mesolithic with a purely hunter-gatherer economy which was rapidly replaced by a homogeneous group of sedentary agriculturalists with a distinct artifact assemblage.

The art in question is found on the structural slabs of a group of megalithic tombs in the valley of the Boyne in Ireland. The tombs are all passage-graves and are characteristically situated on the highest local ground and grouped in a ‘cemetery’. The Boyne cemetery is about 15 km from the east coast and about 50 km by road north of Dublin. In an area approximately 4 × 4 km are situated the three large tumuli of Newgrange, Knowth and Dowth, as well as over 40 other monuments, more than half of which are passage-graves (fig. 1).

The three large mounds are only a few kilometres apart; in fact, from any one of them the other two can be seen since all are in commanding situations. They are similar as regards size and appearance, that is to say, each consists of a mound of stones, or stones, earth, etc., circular in plan and flat-topped, about 85 m in diameter at the base and 12 to 15 m in height. The base of each is surrounded by a continuous kerb of large slabs, 97 at Newgrange, an estimated 110 at Dowth, and an estimated 120 at Knowth. Newgrange is the central tumulus, Dowth is to the north-east, and Knowth to the north-west.

The barrow, the excavation of which is described below, is one of the two situated close to the Cranborne-Wimborne road, some 150 yards north of the Avenue Lodge entrance to St Giles' Park, in the parish of Edmondsham, Dorset.—Nat. Grid. Ref. SU 04611155 and SU 04631160, and map (fig. 1, no. 3).

The attention of the Ministry of Works was drawn early in 1959 to the denudation by ploughing of Barrow 2. Permission to excavate was given by Lord Shaftesbury, the owner, and by Mr Lawes, the tenant farmer. Excavation on behalf of the Ministry of Works was planned and carried out by the writer, with the assistance of two workmen and some volunteers, during July and August 1959.

The Edmondsham barrows are situated at the foot of the long, gentle slope down from St Giles' Crossroads, at the edge of the Park, on a slight rise in the chalk. The land in this area is fairly heavily wooded, and is not typical downland, although the sub-soil is chalk. The junction of the chalk and the clay-with-flints lies only half a mile to the east of the barrow under discussion, at the village of Edmondsham.

This paper reports the first examples of direct radiocarbon measurements from antler maceheads, demonstrating that both the middle Thames specimens and those from northern Britain date to the second half of the 4th millennium cal BC. This suggests a degree of contemporaneity between riverine activity in the south and ‘prestige’ burial in the north, although the possibility that this is a function of the radiocarbon calibration curve cannot be discounted. The possibility that lattice decorated maceheads can be regarded as prototypes for the Maesmore series of fine stone maceheads is considered but the failure of two out of three decorated examples to produce radiocarbon determinations means that the debate cannot yet be settled.

The rock carving site of Bro Utmark in Bohuslän is one of the largest in Sweden. Its hundreds of carved images reflect a variety of Bronze Age concerns, and the boats, warriors and animals depicted demonstrate the work of master carvers in the period 1600-300 BC, but concentrated in the later Bronze Age (1100–600 BC). The site is central to a concentration of about 200 carved sites, burial mounds, and other monuments. During the Bronze Age, Bro Utmark lay near the shoreline of a sea which was 15 m higher in relation to the land. The evolving cultural landscape of the Bronze Age suggests incremental settlement in the emergent land, with shorelines and wetlands providing focal points for activity.

The calcite figurine of a human couple in coitus said to be from Ain Sakhri in Judea has been interpreted as a symbol of fertility reflecting the economic and social concerns of the Natufian period. This paper presents a critical history surrounding its discovery, an evaluation of its archaeological context and a description of the piece itself, in order to address the broader issues surrounding its interpretation.

New radiocarbon dates for the Neolithic settlement at Pool on Sanday, Orkney, are interpreted in a formal chronological framework. Phases 2.2 and 2.3, during which flat-based Grooved Ware pottery with incised decoration developed, have been modelled as probably dating to between the 31st and 28th centuries cal bc. There followed a hiatus of a century or so, before the resumption of occupation in Phase 3, which has a different Grooved Ware style featuring the use of applied decoration. This has been modelled as probably dating from the 26th to the 24th centuries cal bc. The implications of these results are discussed for the emergence and development of Grooved Ware, and for the trajectory of settlement and monumentality on Sanday.

It is twenty years since Dr Alex. Curle published his conclusions on the problem of the brochs and it does not diminish our regard for the great services which he has given to the study of the Scottish Iron Age that his article did not end the discussion. About the same time Dr Watson and Professor Brögger expressed their views, and the Scottish Royal Commission on Ancient Monuments summarised the results of their survey, a summary which they have brought up to date in their recently published volumes. In the intervening years Professor Gordon Childe has made important contributions, and one valuable broch excavation has been reported. And yet it cannot be said that the central difficulty has been resolved.

The paper describes a small late Upper Palaeolithic open-air site situated on a prominent ridge top interfluve in the English Midlands. A discrete cluster of worked flint of late Palaeolithic blade technology was discovered within an excavated area of 100 m2. The lithic scatter represents the hearth-side activities of a short-term occupancy by a small hunting group with evidence for provisioning of flint, production of blades/bladelets, and toolkit maintenance. Spatial analysis provides some dynamics to these activities. The assemblage has strong affinities with the Late Glacial–early Post-glacial Long Blade industries of southern England and northern France but displays many attributes that are atypical of the classic sites. The Launde assemblage appears to be a missing fades of the Long Blade tradition. The blade technology and the typology of the projectile points are also closely paralleled further afield in Belgium, the Netherlands and western Germany, what might be termed a late Western Ahrensburgian, probably dating to the early Pre-Boreal at the beginning of the 10th millennium BP.

Nearly seventy years ago Wilhelm Worringer first wrote that ‘ultimately all our definitions of art are definitions of classical art’ (Worringer, 1953, 132). Today, the study of Western European art history, old or modern, the products of peasant craft-centres or urban ‘schools’, has in the course of time developed its own methodology and, almost, mystique. In contrast, the study of many branches of prehistoric art in Europe and elsewhere is all too often seen as a mere extension of the skilled but subjective approaches of classical archaeology without considering the suitability of the latter's application. The use of the classical art-historian's intuitive methods built up not just from visual exprience but a detailed background of literary, historical and philosophical studies must in fact be almost entirely denied the student of prehistoric or primitive art. It is perhaps only natural that principles of classical art history should be applied to later European prehistory, though it is often difficult to arrive at a precise definition of these principles. It was Johann Joachim Winckelmann who made the first systematic application of categories of style to the history of art (Gombrich, 1968, 319). Sir John Beazley, the greatest of all modern classical art historians followed in this tradition basing attributions ‘on the grounds of tell-tale traits of individual mannerisms’ (Carpenter, 1963, 115 ff.) a scheme first applied to painting less than a century ago by the Italian physician Giovanni Morelli (Gombrich, 1968, 309 ff.) and followed at the turn of the nineteenth century in the study of Italian painting (Lermolieff, 1892–3). With Beazley it is, however, difficult to follow step by step his methods of work.

One aspect of prehistoric crop agriculture which has received little attention is the purity of the crops when ready for either storage or consumption. For two reasons, this topic deserves consideration. First, the number of weed seeds and other impurities in a fully-processed crop is an indication of the efficiency of the prevailing technology for grain cleaning. There are several reasons why it would have been desirable to remove as many weeds as possible from a crop. Many for example are poisonous and should be removed from a crop before it is eaten. The sowing of a pure seed is also one way of controlling the growth of weeds, and thus maintaining economic crop yields. One pound of herbage seed for example, containing 1 per cent by weight of the seeds of mouse-eared chick-weed (Cerastium arvense L.) could result in as many as 43,360 plants of chick-weed per acre and cause severe reduction in the yield of the main crop (Gill and Vear 1958). Barley yields in one experiment were reduced from 21½ to 7½ bushels per acre through the growth of bind-weed (Leonard and Martin 1967). Since the artefactual evidence for prehistoric grain cleaning is meagre, the composition of the crops themselves must be our chief source of evidence. A second reason why the composition of prehistoric crops when ready for storage or consumption deserves study is that it affords a way of knowing whether crops consisted of one or several cultigens at a given period.

The investigations described in the present report owe a main part of their interest to the fact that they help to fill a gap in the prehistory of Wessex, a region which though ranking as the richest in Britain for traces of the later prehistoric cultures based on farming, has hitherto been markedly deficient in evidence for mesolithic settlement. Their other claim to interest is the addition they have made to our very scanty evidence for artificial shelters associated with mesolithic communities in Britain.

The excavation examined two barrows which formed part of a cemetery in use towards the middle of the second millennium BC. The smaller barrow (Site 17) contained a large pit-grave in which successive inhumation burials had been made associated with a long-necked beaker, bronze earrings and a flint knife. The larger barrow (Site 16) began as a small mound covering an inhumation burial with a Food Vessel. Four stake circles were added following a second inhumation burial and the original mound was enlarged on two subsequent occasions. Many features of the barrows find their closest parallels in Yorkshire.

The Nympsfield long barrow is situated in the parish of Frocester, but is less than a mile to the north-west of Nympsfield village. The boundaries of the Parish, the Rural District and the Union, run from north to south down the centre of the field, called ‘Buckholt End,’ in which it lies. The position of the barrow is latitude 51° 42′ 35″ and longitude 2° 17′ 54″ (six-inch O.S., Gloucs. XLIX S.W.) and its height 750 feet above sea level. Ninety yards to the east of the barrow there is a road, marked by Grundy as a ‘ridgeway,’ which now runs from Selsley Hill to Uley (fig. 1). The underlying rock is the Inferior Oolite, a formation separable into numerous sub-divisions, here including, in descending order, Clypeus Grit, Upper Trigonia Grit and Upper Freestone. The greater part of the barrow, if not the whole of it rests on Clypeus Grit.

The ancestry of the long mound has long been a key focus in debates on the origins of monumental and megalithic architectures in western France. Typological schemes and absolute dates have alike been invoked in support of different models of monument development, but with limited success. Recent excavations at Prissé-la-Charrière, a 100-metre long mound in the Poitou-Charentes region, have emphasised the importance of internal structure and the complex process of modification and accretion by which many long mounds achieved their final form and dimensions. Excavations have revealed an early megalithic chamber in a dry-stone rotunda, that was progressively incorporated in a short long mound, then in the 100 m long mound we see today, which contains at least two further chamber tombs. The wide range of monument forms present in western and northern France during the 5th millennium BC suggests that the issue of monument origins must be viewed in a broad inter-regional perspective, within which a number of individual elements could be combined in a variety of different ways. Consideration of seven specific elements, including the shape of the mound, the position and accessibility of the chamber, and the significance of above-ground tomb chambers as opposed to graves or pits leads us to propose a polygenic model for the origins of the long mounds and related monuments of western France.

Recesses in the entrance passages of British hillforts have been found throughout the 20th century, mainly on sites in north Wales and the Welsh Marches, though some occur elsewhere. From their first discovery they have been assumed to be ‘guard rooms’ or ‘guard chambers’ and no discussion about their function has taken place. This paper is, an attempt to start such a discussion. The idea that these recesses were necessarily of defensive use is challenged and an alternative ritual or symbolic ‘explanation’ is suggested.