Towards the beginning of her novel Excellent Women Barbara Pym recounts a telephone conversation of more than passing relevance to our meeting today.

I dialled the number fearfully and heard it ring. ‘Hello, hello, who is that?’ a querulous elderly woman's voice answered. I was completely taken aback, but before I could speak the voice went on, ‘If it's Miss Jessop I can only hope you are ringing up to apologize’. I stammered out an explanation. I was not Miss Jessop. Was Mr Everard Bone there? ‘My son is at a meeting of the Prehistoric Society’, said the voice. ‘Oh, I see. I'm so sorry to have bothered you’, I said. ‘People are always bothering me — I never wanted to have the telephone put in at all’.

After a further apology I hung up the receiver shaken and mystified but at the same time relieved. Everard Bone was at a meeting of the Prehistoric Society. It sounded like a joke. (1952, 29–30)

Mr President, Ladies and Gentlemen, if this is a typical reaction to the Prehistoric Society, then on 23 February we become a fifty-year-old joke! If we allow for the history of the Prehistoric Society of East Anglia, then we reach well and truly back into the days of the Music Hall joke.

During the last fifty years, research in the Late Palaeolithic and Mesolithic periods in Denmark (to use the now generally accepted terms) was decisively influenced from outside. The interesting paper by Gustav Schwantes (1928) was unfortunately published when there was little activity in Denmark regarding ‘Early Stone Age’ problems. When J. G. D. Clark a few years later wrote his classic work The Mesolithic Settlement of Northern Europe (1936), the situation was different, and the book came just in time to stimulate one of the real active periods in the study of Danish Mesolithic. Since then many new finds and excavations have been known from this country but without altering the main lines and the general picture of the hunters and fishers during the Boreal and Atlantic phases.

It would not be quite correct to say that our idea of Clark's first period in question has remained unchanged. The following lines are meant as a short survey of the time of the Northern reindeer-hunters or, according to later suggestions (e.g. by J. G. D. Clark (1950, 91)) the Late Palaeolithic. In 1936 it was only possible to register stray finds of implements here (mainly from reindeer-antler), and following Schwantes most of them were ascribed the still rather theoretical Lyngby culture (Schwantes, 1923; Ekholm, 1926). During the late thirties Alfred Rust began his revolutionary excavations in Holstein (1937; 1943), and they were, of course, followed with keen interest also by Danish archaeologists.

Integrated non-invasive survey in the Stonehenge ‘triangle’, Amesbury, Wiltshire, has highlighted a number of features that have a significant bearing on the interpretation of the site. Among them are periglacial and natural topographical structures, including a chalk mound that may have influenced site development. Some geophysical anomalies are similar to the post-holes in the car park of known Mesolithic date, while others beneath the barrows to the west may point to activity contemporary with Stonehenge itself. Evidence that the ‘North Barrow’ may be earlier in the accepted sequence is presented and the difference between the eastern and western parts of the enclosure ditch highlighted, while new data relating to the Y and Z Holes and to the presence of internal banks that mirror their respective circuits is also outlined.

In plate B XIX–XX of Reliquiae Aquitanicae (Lartet & Christy, 1875), a sculptured reindeer antler from Laugerie-Basse was figured with the description, ‘a long, slightly curved Harpoon-head’. Many years later Emile Carthailac found among Lartet's papers in the University Library at Toulouse a letter from a correspondent in Ireland suggesting that the object in question might be a hooked spear-thrower of a type well-known in Australia. Unfortunately the sheet with the writer's signature was missing, so the first person to identify the spear-thrower as a Palaeolithic weapon must remain anonymous (Carthailac, 1903). Since then many more have been found; in 1907 Breuil listed 38 throwers or fragments from various Magdalenian sites (Carthailac and Breuil, 1907), and it is possible now to bring the number up to 66. Of these two, possibly three, are complete, and six are complete in so far as the part made of antler is concerned, but were certainly meant to be lengthened by insertion in a handle, probably of wood. The rest are more or less fragmentary, but in 39 the hook is preserved, and the rest can be identified by comparison with more complete specimens.

The subject of these weapons has been treated at various times by Adrien de Mortillet (1891), Carthailac (1903), Breuil (with Carthailac, 1907: with Lantier, 1951), Begouen (1912), Renaud (1925), Montandon (1934). More recently Guyan (1944) has studied the collection from Kesslerloch in relation to the rest. In addition, individual specimens have been described by their discoverers. Nevertheless, there is room for a more detailed general survey of the whole range now available.

Since my paper on the Clactonian Industry at Swanscombe was read in 1929, I have obtained many more implements from Barnfield Pit (the one there described) and also a large collection from Rickson's Farm Pit.

The lower gravel at Rickson's Farm Pit has yielded the same culture as the lower gravel in Barnneld Pit, and it underlies a shell-bed containing I heodoxus cantianus (Ken. and B. B. Wood.), which is succeeded by a gravel containing well finished St. Acheul hand-axes in both places. The Acheulian tools from Rickson's Farm Pit differ somewhat from those obtained in Barnfield Pit in that there are fewer of the pear-shaped, pointed implements. The usual type in the former pit is thinner, more ovate, and frequently with a pronounced ‘twist’ of the reversed S kind.

Plans for the petrological examination of stone axes from Lincolnshire and Nottinghamshire (C.B.A. Group 14) were initiated in 1946, when Mr F. T. Baker, now Director of the City of Lincoln Libraries, Museum and Art Gallery, agreed to become local secretary to the survey. Professor W. D. Evans (now Lord Energlyn), Head of the Geology Department at Nottingham University, undertook the petrological side of the work, and the thin sections were cut by Mr R. D. Hendry, Chief Technician to the Department. By 1962 about 120 sections had been cut and these were sent to Dr F. S. Wallis and Mr E. D. Evens, who found that a large proportion of them could be assigned to already established groups. During the next few years, the number of axes sectioned rose to 180. In 1968 Dr W. A. Cummins took over the petrological work and in 1970 Mr C. N. Moore became the local secretary. Since 1969, the sections have been cut by Mr J. Blount at Imperial College, London.

The present report is based on 422 stone axes from Lincolnshire, Nottinghamshire and Rutland. This total includes nearly all the axes in local museums within the area, as well as the relevant axes from the British Museum and a considerable number from private collections. The only local museum collections not included are those at Louth, Stamford and the Spalding Gentlemen's Society. In view of this, it is considered that the report gives a fairly representative coverage of the axes found in the area. A breakdown of this coverage is given in Table 1.

The purpose of this paper is briefly to draw attention to a new group of Deverel–Rimbury enclosures in Wessex. These were found in the course of field work by the writer and Mr Owen Meyrick during the year preceding the outbreak of war, and all five are within two miles of one another on open downland north of the Marlborough–Wootton-Bassett road (fig. 1).

1. Preshute Down. (See fig. 2 and pl. VII). Squarish enclosure covered with L.B.A. pottery and flints. Slight excavations were made here with the help of Mr W. E. V. Young from Avebury. The field system around the enclosure was shown to be later.

2. Ogbourne Down. (See fig. 4, and pl. VIII). Three enclosures close together, east of the Four-Mile Clump and at the bottom of a valley. Much L.B.A. pottery scattered over the whole area. Many ancient fields all round are visible from the crest of Smeathes' Ridge, but their relationship with the earthworks was not discovered before the war made more excavation impossible. Thanks to many boys from the Marlborough College Archaeological Society, excavation was made at a number of points.

3. Ogbourne Maizey Down. (See fig. 3). An interesting sub-rectangular earthwork of the same type. No excavations made. Only a few potsherds were found, but all proved to be L.B.A. This enclosure had been constructed by digging the ditch into the soft lynchet soil of a pre-existing field system.

This article concerns the prehistory of Northern Italy from the end of the ninth to the beginning of the fourth millennium bc. The main aim in this work is to interpret the available archaeological evidence in an attempt to understand the cultural change which occurred through the period under study.

The gap existing in our knowledge between the Late Epigravettian and the Early Mesolithic has been partially rilled by recent discoveries of Final Epigravettian encampments on the Baldo (Bagolini and Nisi 1976) and Bondone (Bagolini 1976) mountains in the Veneto. and Trentino regions. Unfortunately nothing is known about the natural history of the area, because the Baldo and Bondone sites did not yield any faunal remains. Only a few charcoal samples were recovered from the peat bog of Viotte on Bondone, where Final Epigravettian hunters settled. These charcoal samples have not yet been identified. In my opinion, the Bondone encampment might be attributed to the Alleröd oscillation. Palynological evidence of this period is almost totally lacking except for the area south of Lake Garda. At the Castellaro Lagusello peat bog, Bertoldi (1965) identified both the Bölling and Alleröd oscillations from the same core at the depths of 6·50 and 6·0 m respectively. The presence of oak pollen at the depth of 6·50 m varies from 0·2 to 0·6%. This pollen disappears after this moment to reappear at the depth of 6·0 m when birch pollen increases and pine decreases abruptly. The Bölling oscillation has been dated by the radio-carbon method to 11250±250 bc, while no date is available for the Alleröd one.

Art is unique amongst the categories of evidence which survive from the Palaeolithic period in that it was originally structured to communicate. It is true that style is an aspect of tool-making, and the particular forms adopted in the manufacture of tools may be intended as practical innovations or as recognizable types that define distinct social groups (Wiessner 1983) but art is only communication; it has no practical use. Its purpose is to convey a message, simple perhaps, as with ornamentation, or more complex as is suggested by the repertoire of painting and engraving in caves. In a culture without a literate tradition music, mime, recital and art are the vehicles of information. Only one of these remains from the Palaeolithic and, in isolation, the visual evidence is to a certain degree illuminating and to a certain degree frustrating in that certain deductions can be made from its intrinsic features, but not an explanation of its meaning.

In a recent article a description was given of the contents of two pits found by Mr A. St. J. Booth in his garden at Woodlands, Countess Road, Amesbury within 300 yards of the centre of Woodhenge. These pits produced a remarkable assemblage of objects of neolithic B Grooved Ware type, and the apparent care which had been expended upon their deliberate burial induced the suggestion that they represented the sacred or hallowed relics of feasts held in connexion with rites at Woodhenge itself.

Deliberately buried deposits of this type in the vicinity of the monument suggested further that many other pits might exist in the neighbourhood of this and other comparable sites. No surprise was therefore felt when Mr Booth reported the discovery of two more pits of similar character within a few feet of the first two. These were examined during June 1948.

A survey is presented of the Iron Age in Norfolk, the area containing the heartland of the tribal territory of the Iceni during the Late Iron Age. It makes use of new information from prolific artefact finds from recent excavations and fieldwork, and employing unpublished data from the county Sites and Monuments Record. Settlement evidence and artefact distributions are analysed and used to construct a model for the development of settlement from the Early Iron Age to the Boudican rebellion of AD 60–61. The model emphasises a process of continuous change, showing the population expanding, moving from west to east and finally onto the central claylands. Evidence for field monuments is reviewed, revealing regional groupings and an association between hillfort-type and rectangular enclosures and linear earthworks with strategic locations on the boundaries of better soils. Three zones are thus defined. Artefact types including tores, coins, coin hoards, and horse equipment also reveal distinct regional patterning. Some larger sites are identified as serving more than simple agricultural functions, playing a key role within and between the three defined zones. The importance of ritual and religion within Iron Age society is emphasised and is considered to underlie the deposition of artefacts and hoards around Snettisham and in the vicinity of the south Norfolk border; a practice later revived in the Romano-British period.

Within recent years pollen-analytical studies carried out in lake sediments and raised bog peats around the head of Morecambe Bay, Lancashire, have disclosed extensive evidence for anthropogenic change at the British Pollen Zone VIIa–VIIb (Atlantic–Sub-Boreal) boundary, including characteristic ‘Ulmus Decline’, and Landnam phenomena (summarized by Oldfield, 1963). The question immediately arose as to the archaeological identity of the prehistoric communities responsible. The beginnings of Neolithic settlement in north-western England were quite obscure, and have largely so remained. The principal archaeological evidence for any Neolithic penetration of the region derives from the accidental discovery, nearly a century ago, of a bog-site at Ehenside Tarn, close to the west Cumberland coast (Piggott, 1954, 295–9; Walker, 1966), and to the presence of numerous stone axes occurring as stray finds throughout the region. More recently, the discovery of ‘stone axe factories’ on the high screes of Great Langdale and Scafell, and the wide distribution of Group VI axes therefrom, have emphasized the potentialities for further investigation (Fell, 1966, and refs. therein).

Round houses and an enclosure, surviving parts of a nucleated settlement on boulder clay terrain at Roxby (near Staithes, north-east Yorkshire), discovered from the air in 1972, were excavated 1973–81. Most were dated to the immediately pre-Roman Iron Age, but one round house, standing in an area of marks of former cross-ploughing, had native Romano-British pottery, and in the last phase of ditch silting, sherds of sixth century AD Anglo-Saxon stamped ware. The economy was based on mixed farming, but two of the Iron Age houses also contained iron working comprising both smelting and smithing. These houses also yielded fragments of jet and glass and were interpreted as a repair workshop, rather than a production unit. Great structural detail had been preserved and was recorded. The houses were architecturally different and represent a significant addition to the prehistoric round house data. They lie in that part of the township of Roxby which escaped medieval ploughing, and probably represent a fraction of the total original settlement. This and other data in north-east Yorkshire show that an economy based on settled mixed farming, not on semi-nomadic pastoralism, was widespread across the boulder clay encircling the North York Moors.

Parks of Garden, a Neolithic site in southern Scotland, is located within a thin wedge of peat which abuts a ridge of glacial moraine that stretches across the Upper Forth river valley. The site comprises a rapidly constructed small wooden platform dating to 3340–2920 cal BC, within the Early Neolithic period of Scotland. The platform may have functioned as a transitory hunting hide and as a preparation area for hunting and gathering expeditions across the fen and into the salt-marshes of the local environment.

Excavations at Eaglestone Flat, on the gritstone eastern uplands of the Peak District, have revealed a Bronze Age cremation cemetery associated with a number of contemporaneous stone structures built for ritual and agricultural purposes. Some of the burials were within urns, mostly cordoned. Others were simply placed in pits whilst still hot. A minority were deposited in direct association with small cairns, either placed under or within them. The majority were on open ground near the stone features and adjacent to the upslope edge of a prehistoric field. Most of the stone structures are clearance features associated with the preparation and cultivation of the land close by over an extended period. They are found in a complex palimpsest, which includes structures of unusual design, such as retained rectangular platforms, and discontinuous walls that were only ever 1–2 courses high and probably surmounted by low banks. A series of radiocarbon results adds to knowledge of the date at which Peak District cairnftelds and field systems were built. Environmental data allows vegetational sequences to be reconstructed.

Triangular, concave-base ‘Streletskian points’ are documented in several assemblages from the Kostёnki complex of Upper Palaeolithic sites in south-western Russia. Some of these assemblages have been argued to evidence very early modern human occupation of Eastern Europe. However, Streletskian points are also recorded from younger contexts, notably at Kostёnki 11, where examples are attributed both to Layer V and the stratigraphically higher Layer III. The apparent relatively young age of Layer III has led some to view it as the latest manifestation of the Streletskian, although its assemblage has also been compared to the non-Streletskian Layer I of Kostёnki 8, with the two described together as the Anosovka-Tel’manskaya Culture.

Radiocarbon dates of 24–23,000 bp (c. 28,500–27,000 cal bp) for a wolf burial associated with Layer III of Kostёnki 11 confirm the layer as younger than other Streletskian assemblages at Kostёnki. New radiocarbon dates for Kostёnki 8 Layer I show that the two layers are broadly contemporary, and that both are close in age to assemblages of Kostёnki’s (Late Gravettian) Kostёnki-Avdeevo Culture. In the light of these new radiocarbon dates the context of the Streletskian point from Kostёnki 11 Layer III is considered. Although firm conclusions are not possible, unresolved stratigraphic problems and the lack of technological context for this single artefact at the very least leave a question mark over its association with other material from the layer.

Fieldwork by the Dyfed Archaeological Trust during 1989–92 has identified clear evidence for the manufacture of stone axeheads at two locations on the eastern flanks of the Preseli Mountains, Dyfed: at Glyn-y-Fran, Llanfyrnach (SN 186 307) and near Glandy Cross (SN 143 266). At both sites, small quantities of lithic debris were collected from field surfaces after cultivation; unfortunately, no contemporaneous features were found by subsequent, very limited, trial trenching. In this report we describe the fieldwork at these two sites, and the resulting lithic collection, concluding that the latter represents evidence for small-scale and opportunistic exploitation of locally abundant erratics during the Neolithic. The Glandy Cross area was later a focus for the construction of ritual monuments during the Bronze Age, and there is also some evidence for continuing activity at Glyn-y-Fran at this time.

Petrological thin section analysis of some of the artefacts is reported and demonstrates a probable identity with petrological Group VIII; geochemical analysis of some of the same artefacts places the likely geological origin of these at local igneous exposures also in the Preselis. These conclusions are reviewed in the light of current discussion on the usage and origins of raw materials in later prehistory.

Fifty years ago on 17 February 1934 the Prehistoric Society of East Anglia held its annual business meeting in Norwich. Professor Breuil was elected President for that year, Professor Miles Burkitt as Vice-President and Dr J. G. D. Clark as Honorary Editor. Other elections at that meeting included Mr Stuart Piggott to Council and O. G. S. Crawford to membership of the Society. It had been founded in 1908 when on 17 October a circular had been issued by W. G. Clarke of Norwich and W. D. Dutt of Lowestoft to over 100 interested people inviting them to form an East Anglian Society of Prehistorians. That circular and a selection of replies to it still exist in the records of the Society that have recently been rediscovered. Dr W. A. Sturge of Icklingham Hall agreed to become the first President and, having received 72 favourable replies, an inaugural meeting was held on Monday 26 October 1908 at Norwich.

For the better part of three decades the Society maintained an active, if somewhat parochial, role in the development of British Prehistory. Its interests were East Anglian in orientation and with little exception directed to the study of palaeolithic man and the flint implements that might (or might not) be ascribed to human activity.

By 1930, however, some members of the Society were contemplating change. As C. S. Phillips (1980, 113) has pointed out, it was the only body in Britain devoted entirely to Prehistoric studies, but whilst its membership had originally been local to East Anglia, by the fourth decade of the century it was expanding outside the region.

A small panel of mobiliary rock art containing two cup-mark motifs discovered in north Pembrokeshire in August 2002 is described and compared with other finds of rock art from Wales. Although the sites with passage-grave style rock art in north Wales are well-known, the more widespread yet less impressive cup-mark dominated panels found mainly around the upland fringes of the country have received relatively little attention. A provisional corpus of 33 rock-art sites comprising more than 37 panels is provided.

This work provides new insights into human responses to and perceptions of sea-level rise at a time when the landscapes of north-west Europe were radically changing. These issues are investigated through a case study focused on the Channel Islands. We report on the excavation of two sites, Canal du Squez in Jersey and Lihou (GU582) in Guernsey, and the study of museum collections across the Channel Islands. We argue that people were drawn to this area as a result of the dynamic environmental processes occurring and the opportunities these created. The evidence suggests that the area was a particular focus during the Middle Mesolithic, when Guernsey and Alderney were already islands and while Jersey was a peninsula of northern France. Insularisation does not appear to have created a barrier to occupation during either the Middle or Final Mesolithic, indicating the appearance of lifeways increasingly focused on maritime voyaging and marine resources from the second half of the 9th millennium BC onwards.