Steven Mithen's ‘Ecological Interpretations of Palaeolithic Art’ (PPS 57, 103–14) reminded me of a Chinese meal — initially satisfying, but it doesn't stick with you for very long. While I subscribe to broadly similar paradigmatic biases at the level of the metaphysic, the ‘thoughtful forager’ model itself, proposed to relate various aspects of the art under the aegis of a particular kind of adaptationist perspective, seems to be conceptually muddled and operationally problematic. Also, Mithen's starting-point, the notion of an inherent contradiction between human creativity and an adaptationist point of view, is a red herring—wherever did he get it?! I will confine these brief remarks to three points that bear on different conceptions of adaptation and how they effect construals of pattern and the meaning of pattern in Palaeolithic art. I also respond to referees' comments.

Mithen takes me, Straus and Gamble to task for omitting the individual and individual decision-making in our conceptions of adaptation (pp. 104, 105). A conception of adaptation that is focused on the group is juxtaposed with one invoking selection operating at the level of the individual organism in a direct analogy with group vs. individual selection in biological evolution.

The suitability of diatom analysis for provenancing British late neolithic and early Bronze Age ceramics is examined. The Milfield Basin, Northumberland, was chosen for a test programme, as an area with well documented clay sources, defined geology and available pottery samples. The bulk of the pottery sampled was of local origin, or at least need not have been made elsewhere; one sherd, the only possible Beaker sherd sampled, seems to be an import. It is concluded that it is possible to use diatoms in this way, and some of the problems of the technique are discussed, together with possible solutions. Sampling and counting strategies are also discussed.

Koongine is a sizeable limestone cave set in a low ridge some 4 km from the sea in the lower South-east of South Australia. It was used for about 2000 years at the transition from the Pleistocene to Holocene, and then again during the last millennium. The sequence at this site exposes issues of the appropriate scale and form of explanation for changes in site use. The stratified deposits of stone artefacts provide an opportunity to define for the first time the nature of the ‘Gambieran’ Industry. This spatially and temporally restricted industry characterised by large convex scrapers made on large, often asymmetrical, flakes is otherwise known mainly from older surface collections. The formal definition of this local industry adds to the growing evidence of considerable variation in the earlier stone tools of Australia, and provides an additional basis for rejecting the concept of a widespread Core Tool and Scraper Tradition, and replacing it with a model which recognises a mosaic of different tool-making traditions embedded in local social, economic, and technological contexts.

Recent excavations at a small Chalcolithic site in central Cyprus show that it was occupied about 2880–2670 cal BC. Fallow deer form the major component of the substantial faunal sample: both these and other animals were hunted. The chipped stone, too, fits with a model of intensive meat exploitation. The lack of formal architecture supports the general model of a seasonally or intermittently used hunters' village. Plant remains and a limited array of ground stone tools, however, indicate that domesticated plants were processed and consumed, although probably not harvested at the site, while large quantities of pottery also show a wider range of activities. These data and observations can be explained by several models, which emphasise either broad processes and historical developments or more local patterns of varied site-types and activities in different parts of the island or in different ecological zones, providing an important insight into the diversity and complexity of cultural systems in the early 3rd millennium BC.

This article presents the findings of a study which sought to explore the nature of Neolithic habitation practices in east Yorkshire, primarily using evidence from pits. The morphology of pits and material deposited into them were examined in order to discern the kinds of activities taking place close by, and the possible motivation behind pits being dug. The temporality, spatial organisation, and landscape distribution of pits was considered in conjunction with information from domestic features, artefact spreads, and monumental and funerary features in order to create a coherent image of the ways in which people lived in and exploited the landscape.

It is argued that, given the scarcity of direct evidence for residential contexts, the information from pits can tell us about occupation practices. Viewed in conjunction with evidence for changing subsistence practices and an increasingly monumentalised landscape from the Early Neolithic onwards, the deposition of domestic material in pits is interpreted as part of cycles of renewal that created more permanent connections between people and their homes.

The purpose of this article is to bring together further information from Epirus which is relevant to the consideration of man's environment in Palaeolithic times in Greece. Some aspects of this study have already been published elsewhere (Dakaris et al., 1964; Higgs and Vita-Finzi, 1966; Higgs et al., 1968) and it is sufficient here to give only a brief summary of earlier conclusions.

It has been thought that there are good grounds for believing that during the Last Glaciation mobile human groups occupied annual territories which ranged from the western coast of Greece to the central Pindhos mountain range (Higgs et al., 1968). Within these annual territories there were two groups of sites. One group, represented by Kastritsa, was at the base of the Pindhos and was occupied in summer, and another group of sites such as Asprochaliko was occupied in winter in warmer regions nearer to the coast. Together these groups exploited seasonally complementary resources which were so distributed that such a pattern was necessary.

The question arises, however, was Asprochaliko in fact a more suitable site for occupation during the winter than Kastritsa? An attempt was therefore made to assess the living environment of the two caves themselves. While such an attempt was immediately relevant to the problem with which we are concerned, it has wider implications with regard to the choice of cave sites for human habitation (Legge, 1972).

Ditches, walls, and palisades are extant in continental Europe from as early as the Neolithic, but important aspects changed in the course of the 2nd millennium BC. A review of the spectrum of dated sites from Central Europe shows that the expansion of metalworking techniques preceded the widespread occupation of high ground. Hill-top sites at crossroads and river crossings proved to be a permanent feature, though shifts in location occurred frequently. The motivation for the construction of walls and ramparts was probably not uniform. Certain walls were clearly built to be seen from afar. Hence, they can be explained as signs of presence and/or prominence. In other cases the aspect of enhanced security deserves special attention. The wide variation in size and regional settings of hill-forts as well as the divergent traces of occupation invalidate any unitary explanation.

The following is a preliminary report on excavations undertaken at this site under the aegis of the Department of Archaeology and Anthropology of the University of Cambridge. The work was carried out during a number of seasons over the past ten years, partly as a research project and partly as field training for third year and research students under the direction of C.B.M.McB. To P.C. fell the eventual task of collating and summarizing the extensive stratigraphical observations made by us and by previous excavators, and doing the same for the pollen samples and palaeontological data. Responsibility for the report as a whole is shared, but many others too numerous to thank separately at this stage have contributed basically to the collection and analysis of field and laboratory data. It is hoped that the full results after further field work will provide the material for a detailed monograph. The work would of course have been impossible but for the kind permission of the Société Jersiaise and the active assistance of many of its members on numerous occasions.

The site, the largest and most productive cave or rock-shelter site in the British Isles, was originally made famous by the discovery of a rich Mousterian industry, fauna, and eventually fossil traces of Neanderthal man at the turn of the century.

The late W. G. Clarke recorded the occurrence of palæolithic implements in thirty Norfolk parishes, a fact which suggests that the county is exceptionally rich in implementiferous gravels. On detailed examination of the records it is seen that the great mass of the finds lies in two widely separated districts. In the extreme south-west the valleys of the Thet and Little Ouse have long been famous among collectors, and large numbers of specimens were obtained at a time when the making of the Fenland roads caused a demand for the gravel of the district; the fine collections in the Norwich and Thetford Museums testify to the number and beauty of the specimens obtained there. In more recent years the centre of interest has shifted to the north-east, where the hopes, first raised by the discovery by Mr. A. C. Savin of a fine hand axe (Geology of the Country Around Cromer, p. 130) in 1878, have at last been fulfilled by Mr. Reid Moir's recognition of a Chellian workshop on the foreshore at Cromer (“The Great Flint Implements of Cromer,” Harrison, Ipswich, and Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute, LI., 1921, p. 385–418). Apart from these finds, isolated discoveries of importance have been made from time to time, notably the beautiful implement found by Mr. W. R. R. Spelman on the beach at Eccles (P.S.E.A. II., I., p. 156), the Palling platessiform implement discovered by Mr. Randall Johnson, the Chellian side chopper from the Till at Sidestrand by the writer, and Acheulean hand axes from Runton cliff gravels by Mr. G. Maynard. These have all been carefully described and figured by Mr. J. Reid Moir (“Man,” April 1926; J.R.A.I. LI., p. 399; Antiquaries' Journal, April 1923, and P.S.E.A., IV., 1., p. 126; “Nature,” Aug. 16, 1924). A few miles inland at Gresham, the patient and persistent work of Mr. J. Cox has produced a number of finds of the first importance, especially those described and figured in the Proceedings (P.S.E.A. I., III., p. 380, Plate XCVIII; III., II., p. 317, Fig. 78; I., I., p. 118, and I., II., p. 236). Apart from these two border districts, the records refer mainly to isolated specimens, mostly surface finds. Dr. C. B. Plowright reports implements from a pit at Tottenhill, near King's Lynn (P.S.E. A. I., I., p. 118), whilst a fine hand axe of La Micoque type was found by a schoolboy at Salhouse.

A series of undoubtedly Palaeolithic engraved figures have been recorded for the first time in the United Kingdom in Church Hole Cave, Creswell Crags. The first recorded images were thought initially to be two birds and a large ibex. This paper presents the preliminary results of the first systematic survey of the caves for engravings which identified a total of 16 figures. On closer examination with correct lighting the ibex was seen to be a stag, accompanied by a bison and another herbivore. The presence of the birds was confirmed and at least one other bovid and several other images, including possible vulvas, were identified.

Aerial survey in Essex has revealed a number of elongated enclosures interpreted as either long barrows or mortuary enclosures of Neolithic date. Excavation of one of these sites at Rivenhall in 1986 produced finds of flintwork and pottery which help to substantiate this hypothesis. A surface collection survey of the field containing the enclosure produced Mesolithic and Neolithic flintwork. A short discussion considers the Essex sites in their wider context.

In March 1960 Mrs D. R. Tweedie discovered a painted rock shelter at 8,000 feet in the forests of Mt Elgon, about 15 miles west-north-west of Kitale, Kenya. The site is of particular interest because it is the first recorded instance of representational rock art in Kenya with any claim to antiquity.

The writer visited the site during September 1960 to copy the paintings. Tracings were made on cellophane stuck to the rock with sellotape. Glass ink was used as suggested by Dr L. S. B. Leakey, but in the more awkward copying positions a chinagraph pencil gave accurate lines more easily. With a warm pencil no pressure on the rock was needed to produce an outline. A photographic record was also made on colour film with flashbulbs.

The paintings have been preserved from weathering by a deep, dry overhang, and trees growing immediately in front of the shelter. They are also preserved from vandalism by the extreme difficulty of finding the site without guidance. Most of the paintings form a frieze at the left-hand side of the shelter, which is the best protected region.

In 1984 the entrance grave at Bosiliack, Cornwall, was excavated by Charles Thomas on behalf of the Institute of Cornish Studies. It was a comparatively small example, approximately 5 m in diameter encircled by a substantial kerb. A deposit of cremated bone was found within the chamber accompanied by sherds of plain pottery from three vessels. Two radiocarbon determinations were obtained on the cremated bone. The dates were almost identical, falling between 1690 and 1500 cal bc.

Because Bosiliack is the only entrance grave in Cornwall to have been excavated to modern standards, and to have had any analyses undertaken on the contents of its chamber, it is significant to the study of small chambered tombs elsewhere. This paper outlines the results from the excavations before moving on to a discussion of the use of monument and a consideration of its possible affinities with monuments elsewhere.

The attributes to be defined in this paper have been designed to characterize the main areas of variation of those scrapers which have been termed ‘Aurignacian’ (de Sonneville-Bordes, 1960, 29), owing to their numerical pre-eminence in Aurignacian assemblages. These attributes were worked out primarily on the Aurignacian assemblages (Levels 6–14) from the Abri Pataud, Les Eyzies (Dordogne), although to test the general applicability of the method, samples from the Grand Abri de la Ferrassie and from the Abri Castanet (Musée des Eyzies) were also considered.

As a group, Aurignacian scrapers may be distinguished from end-of-blade scrapers in that the majority of Aurignacian scrapers are manufactured on blanks produced by a non-blade technology. The term ‘Aurignacian scraper’ includes: (1) carinate scrapers (fig. 1), (2) nose-ended scrapers, (3) some shouldered scrapers (see p. 260) and (4) miscellaneous steep scrapers on flakes (fig. 2).

Excavations at Hengistbury Head Site 6 (Dragonfly Ponds) in 1984–5 uncovered a rare sequence of cultivation features, with pre-Late Iron Age to Romano-British period spade marks and an associated cultivation soil underlying proposed Romano-British furrows and another cultivation soil (Chadburn & Gardiner 1985; Chadburn 1987). Keyhole excavations for soil micromorphological study of these features and soils were conducted in 1997 as part of a larger project on identifying and characterising prehistoric cultivation from soil indicators in the field and in thin section (Lewis 1998). Profile inversion indicators identified within the implement marks suggest that the spade-mark horizon may show ‘double-digging’, and that the furrows were probably created by post-Roman mouldboard ploughing. Excavation and soil micromorphology results are presented here, and the importance of the remains at Hengistbury Head to the study of ancient agricultural land use is discussed in terms of methodological issues.

Choosing as its subject the Clyde series of megalithic mortuary monuments on the Isle of Arran, in south-west Scotland, this paper explores the way in which natural and built form interact through the medium of the human body, a dynamic interplay that engendered particular understandings of the world in the 4th millennium BC. Examining one monument in detail at the outset is a device by which a series of physical and intellectual themes may be introduced, which run through the wider grouping of chambered cairns on the island. These are general principles which are worked through and around the characteristics of specific places, rather than regulatory structures which impose a strictly repetitive order upon the relationship between architecture and landscape. The ways in which these themes are expressed across the range of Clyde cairns on Arran are then teased out further in a wider synthetic discussion.

The over-arching theme of the study is consideration of the situated nature of archaeological endeavour as a form of engagement with the contemporary world, in which a broad spectrum of textual representation – from the typological to the experiential – may be drawn upon in the production of a unified archaeological narrative.

A Middle Bronze Age house and burnt mound were excavated in 2001 within the large-scale prehistoric landscape under investigation at Bestwall Quarry, Wareham, Dorset. The house was succeeded by the burnt mound which was associated with two large pits. All the structures were associated with a substantial and well-preserved assemblage of Deverel-Rimbury pottery. Most of this pottery, and two copper alloy bracelets, also of Middle Bronze Age date, comprised remarkable closing deposits that marked the abandonment of the structures.

The object of this paper is to record and discuss the investigation of an unusually prolific Mesolithic chipping floor recently located on War Department land between Bordon Camp and the hamlet of Oakhanger, near Selborne, on the Hampshire Greensand. These lands are particularly sterile and undulating, and are dissected by a stream which emerges from Oakhanger Ponds to enter the Oakhanger Stream about a mile to the north (fig. 1). The section west of this stream is named the Warren, and that on the east is called the Slab. The site now being discussed is one of five located on the Warren and Slab, and is known as Site V. The group forms part of a series fringing the watercourse known sectionally as the Oakhanger Stream, Kingsley Stream, Oxney Stream, and the Slea, which eventually feeds the Frensham Wey. Thus the Oakhanger sites integrate with the important network investigated in West Surrey.

The Warren, together with the Slab, forms a roughly quadrangular area with its northern side coinciding, for about a mile, with the Bordon-Oakhanger road. Together they make up, approximately, a square mile of rough ground which is marshy along the course of the dividing stream. Geologically it is on Folkestone Sands which, in this area, are extensively covered by blown-sand deposits. Towards Oakhanger, half a mile to the north, these deposits are unusually thick and form dunes. In the Folkestones there is much carstone in thin layers which, here and there, tend to induce marshy conditions. The nearest chalk outcrop is some two miles to the westward in the Selborne district.

This report outlines the unexpected discovery of a group of Late Neolithic structures at Greenbogs, Monymusk in Aberdeenshire, along with a series of later prehistoric features in the mid-1990s. Recent radiocarbon dating shows that two four-post timber structures found here date to the period 2890–2490 cal bc. These were found in association with a range of other features including an oval structure and diffuse areas of burning. The closest parallels for the four-post structures can be found in a slowly growing body of Late Neolithic timber structures, some being interpreted as roofed dwellings and others as roofed or unroofed monuments. This article places the Greenbogs structures in their wider context, identifies a number of unexcavated parallels in the aerial record and addresses the nature of the four-post structures found across Late Neolithic Britain and Ireland and suggests that four-post structures were a more common element of Late Neolithic architecture than previously identified. A common building type appears to have been shared across large areas of Britain and Ireland in a variety of contexts, from the seemingly mundane to the more ‘charged’, as part of elaborate monument complexes. The later prehistoric features identified at Greenbogs include a concentration of Middle Bronze Age features including graves containing cremated human bones, one with an upright urn, and a number of Iron Age pits and other features.

Since its publication in 1954 Star Carr has held an iconic status in British Mesolithic archaeology. The original excavations at the site recorded a large assemblage of bone and antler tools from a sequence of peat deposits at the edge of the Lake Flixton. Over 60 years later this remains the largest assemblage of bone and antler artefacts of its date in Britain and has been an invaluable source of information for life in the early Mesolithic. However, the interpretation of this material has been the subject of intense debate, and the assemblage has been variously described as the remains of an in situ settlement, a refuse dump, and the result of culturally prescribed acts of deposition. Fundamentally, these very different ideas of the nature of the site depend on differing interpretations of the environmental context into which the majority of the organic artefacts were deposited. This paper presents the results of recent work at Star Carr that helps to resolve the debate surrounding both the context of the assemblage and the motivations that lay behind its deposition.