Repeatedly in recent times attention has been called to the frequent use of the Christus medicus theme by St. Augustine. When a lucky archaeological discovery, made at Timgad in the spring of 1919, brought to light the fragment of an inscription, containing an invocation to Christ the Physician, P. Monceaux, in discussing the rare find, noted not only the popularity of the concept in Christian Africa in general since the days of Tertullian, but also its extremely frequent use by St. Augustine in particular, calling it ‘un thème dominant dans la prédication du grand évêque d'Hippone.’ He listed eight examples from St. Augustine's sermons, in which the notion of Christ the Physician, employed allegorically or metaphorically, to describe Him as the Divine Healer of mankind's spiritual diseases, occurs rather conspicuously. Monceaux's statement was repeated by J. Carcopino, H. Leclercq, and L. Olschki, all of whom refer to the texts collected by him. M. E. Keenan pointed out two allusions to Christ as the Divine Physician in St. Augustine's letters though the passages quoted by her refer rather to deus medicus than to Christus medicus. In a later study on ‘Augustine and the Medical Profession,' she excluded expressly allusions to Christus medicus ‘because of their frequency and unvarying character.’ The collection of pertinent texts has considerably been enlarged by J. Mohan who, in studying the titles applied to Christ by St. Augustine in connection with his Christological and soteriological doctrine, devotes two pages to discussing the Christus medicus metaphor, used by the great Doctor of the Church to explain the Mystery of the Redemption. The author owes the additional texts especially to Dom G. Morin's monumental edition of those of St. Augustine's sermons which have been discovered after the Maurists’ edition. P Mention must also be made of the valuable collection of texts by A. Koch in the section ‘Christus der Arzt’ of his Homiletisches Handbudi. Finally, in the list of pertinent texts given by the ThLL, s.v. medicina and medicus, St. Augustine easily holds the first place among those Patristic writers of the West who made use of the Christus medicus figure.

Strabo's Geography was not well known in ancient and medieval times. It was never the subject of literary or scientific study. There was no need to write commentaries on it as on the poets, orators, and philosophers. Nevertheless the medieval manuscripts of Strabo do contain meagre scholia, and for one reason or another some of them are valuable. Moreover as a whole they throw light on the history of Greek scholarship in an important but obscure period. It seems desirable therefore to edit them entire, to examine their relationships, and point out their significance.

These Notes are the result of a protracted study in the course of which the Byzantine synapte has been examined in more than fifty manuscripts, each of which has again and again for this and other purposes been closely scrutinized. The text which precedes the Notes includes a distinctive —and, as far as I know, entirely new — feature, viz., a twofold recension of the synapte which is explained and justified in the Concluding Remarks following Note II. Immediately after the text itself and the brief comments which have appeared desirable or necessary, there is an Excursus on saints' names in the Τῆς παναγίας bidding at the very end of the synapte. This subject is part of a much larger one, viz., lists of saints' names in liturgical prayers. One thinks first of all of the list which appears in the Communicantes of the Roman Canon and of parallel lists in the East. It is interesting to note, however, that whereas the lengthened medieval lists failed to establish themselves permanently within the framework of the Anaphora in the East or of the Canon in the West, they did succeed in maintaining themselves in the East in certain prayers still found in the Euchology and Horologion.

1. The story of how one of the two great Caucasian nations, the Armenians, came to form a national Church, while the other, the Georgians, remained for several centuries longer within the unity of the Church Universal, is still to be written. Practically all that has been said on the subject stands in need of revision. This is due to several factors in connection with Caucasian sources. In the first place, these sources were for a long time unsatisfactorily evaluated. It is within but the last half-century or so that the correct floruit of some of the important Armenian historians was established — for instance that of Moses of Khoren: sometime between the seventh and the ninth century and not, as was formerly held, in the fifth — and that many other, especially Georgian, historical works came to be critically studied and dated. Secondly, many of the invaluable sources — such as the Book of Letters or the Queen Anne Codex of the Georgian Royal Annals — were only quite recently published and have not been made use of, even to this day, by some scholars dealing with Caucasian history. Finally, some Armenian historians that have always been known and held in esteem have not always been recognized as afflicted with what was once called la maladie de Froude and, consequently, prone, in serving the cause of national religion, to overlook some facts of history and to alter others.

Fulcoius was one of the most distinguished literary figures of the eleventh century, a writer who, in the words of Dom André Wilmart, ‘a laissé des œuvres poétiques assez importantes, encore mal connues.' Apart from the poet's own works, there are three sources of information on his life: the epitaphs in his honor which are found in MS Paris, B.N. lat. 16701; the biographical notice in MSS Beauvais 11 and Paris, B.N. lat. 5305; and references in a letter of St. Bruno, founder of the Carthusians, to Raoul le Verd, provost of the Reims cathedral and future archbishop.

When in 1922 Clemens Blume published the fifty-fifth volume of the Analecta Hymnica, almost a hundred years of development in the field of Latin hymnology reached its final stage. Although the idea of collecting hymns was not an outcome of the growing interest in literature in the nineteenth century, the first extensive work in this field was not begun earlier than about the middle of that century. A study of the origins of this research and of certain aspects of the work in its earliest stages, while not to be attempted here, would be of great interest — and instructive as well; for it appears that many errors and many misconceptions of the subject go back directly to the lack of a methodical and scientific approach on the part of the earlier hymnologists.

In the first of T. S. Eliot's Four Quartets, ‘Burnt Norton,' appear the following lines:

Quick, said the bird, find them, find them,
Round the corner. Through the first gate,
Into our first world, shall we follow
The deception of the thrush? Into our first world.
……………
Go, said the bird, for the leaves were full of children,
Hidden excitedly, containing laughter.

Eliot returns to the image of the garden and the children in the last of this cycle, ‘Little Gidding‘:

Through the unknown, remembered gate
When the last of earth left to discover
Is that which was the beginning;
At the source of the longest river
The voice of the hidden waterfall
And the children in the apple-tree
Not known, because not looked for
But heard, half heard, in the stillness…
All manner of thing shall be well
When the tongues of flame are in-folded
Into the crowned knot of fire
And the fire and the rose are one.

Sauf erreur, on ne possède aucune publication intégrale de plaidoiries médiévales, et la littérature savante qui les concerne est aussi mince que vieillie. Nous espérons que la présente édition contribuera à ranimer ces études, d'un intérêt incontestable pour l'histoire du droit et des mœurs du moyen âge.

In that flowering of new monasticism which began in the eleventh century and continued into the twelfth, along with so many other rich and complex developments, to make the twelfth century a great one, the new Order of Citeaux was the most influential and significant. This was no less true in England than on the continent; in fact, the Cistercian Order very probably enjoyed even greater advantage and renown in England than those other orders founded contemporaneously. Its ‘great and powerful influence over the religious and social life of the country,’ even until the dissolution, is beyond doubting. Starting with Waverley (1128) in Surrey, Rievaulx (1132) and Fountains (1132) in Yorkshire, and, for Wales, Tintern (1131) and Whitland (1140) in Monmouthshire and Carmarthenshire respectively, the Order spread with such astonishing rapidity that it numbered 40 in England and Wales by the end of 1153, not counting the abbeys of the Order of Savigny, which became part of the Cistercian Order in 1147 and numbered 12 in England and Wales, with Furness (1123) in Lancashire greatest among them. Beyond this era of settlement, between 1164 and the end of 1198, 11 were established (if we include the short-lived Wyresdale), and between 1201 and 1281 an additional 12 abbeys. But the expansion was then at dead end, and the two remaining abbeys were founded much later in an environment sharply contrasting with that sought by early Cistercians: St. Mary Graces (1350), near the tower of London, so strange a location for a Cistercian abbey, and St. Bernard's College, Oxford (1437), for Cistercian scholars who formerly used Rewley (1281) while studying at the University. In all, including the two latecomers, the abbeys numbered 77 in England and Wales.

In the Romance languages of the Iberian peninsula, the French word nuance in the meaning ‘a gradation, a barely perceptible degree of difference in a color’ is translated today by the word matiz (Catalan matis), a term which has enjoyed continuous usage since the early fifteenth century. Until now, the origin of the word matiz has remained unsolved: none of the several etymologies which have been suggested for it are convincing, and no comprehensive attempt has ever been made to analyze its meaning or to trace its semantic evolution. It is the purpose of the present work to determine the etymology of this word and to describe its history.

The Pore Caitif is a late fourteenth-century Middle English manual of religious instruction intended for the use of the laity. That the compiler himself applied this title to his manual is extremely doubtful. It seems, rather, to be a convenient label of identification of the treatise drawn from his characteristic way of referring to himself: ‘This tretis compilid of a pore caitif'; and again, ‘I my silf caitif and wrecche.' This pseudonym behind which he cloaked his identity must have been transferred, however, at a fairly early date to serve as a title for the treatise, because it appears in several late fourteenth-century manuscripts and in a will proved in 1422.

Rares sont, parmi les lecteurs de plus en plus nombreux des textes patristiques et médiévaux, ceux qui se rendent compte de toutes les sinuosités de la route que ces textes ont parcourue avant d'arriver jusqu'à nous. Souvent le lecteur d'une commode édition moderne de saint Augustin ou de Boèce, de saint Anselme ou d'Aelred, ne se doute guère qu'il y a eu bien des problèmes à résoudre avant d'en arriver là, et moins encore soupçonne-t-il les problèmes qui attendent toujours une solution.

Not overfamiliar, it seems, to students of late medieval patristic scholarship is the Milleloquium veritatis S. Augustini, the work of a fourte enth-century Augustinian Hermit, Bartholomew, native of the city of Urbino and for the last three years of his life (1347-1350) its bishop. This impressive compilation was produced largely at Bologna, where Bartholomew devoted much of his maturity to teaching, applying thus the fruit of earlier studies at Paris that had led to the doctorate in theology. While the composition of a treatise De Romani pontijicis Christi viearii auctoritate appears to have had great weight in deciding Pope Clement VI to grant the see of Urbino to Bartholomew, it is for his Augustinian Milleloquium — and for a similarly organized and similarly titled compilation frem the works of St. Ambrose — that he is chief'y known to scholars. The Milleloquium S. Augustini contains perhaps fifteen thousand excerpts from the writings that its compiler regarded, not always correctly, of course, as works of Augustine's. These excerpts, selected for significant. treatment of the themes with which they deal, are set out — hence Bartholomew's titles — under some 1000 alphabetically arranged subject headings running from ABEL to ZJZANIA. Produced in a period that, like Pope Clement VI himself, was ‘compendiorum avidissimus,’6 the Milleloquium did not fail of success: to this fact the not fewer than forty surviving manuscripts” and a series of five or six printings' from 1555 to 1734 amply testify. In recent times the utility of the Milleloquium as a subject index to Augustine was noted by Ludwig Traube, while Père Joseph de Ghellinck indicated how the work could be helpful ‘en faisant parfois retrouver au lecteur des textes peu connus.’ Doubtless, too, this rich assembly has its simple appeal to the hurried scholar who would quickly find an apt sententia from Augustine on this subject or that, and even to the pigri lectores et inbecillitatis sarcina gravati who were the expected clientele of a yet earlier florileqium from Augustine with which we shall shortly deal.

The period 1952-1954 has seen some very outstanding achievements in the field of Greek patristic, only a small proportion of which can be discussed here. One of the most interesting works that have appeared, from the viewpoint of a general survey, is Johannes Quasten's Patrology, so far as it has progressed; and although the obvious complaint might be that no single scholar can now ever hope adequately to cover the entire patristic field, and that in a manual of this sort no author can be treated with all the detail that the specialist would desire, at the same time there is nothing in English of its kind and, as a matter of fact, Quasten's work bids fair to surpass even the German works in this category. The author's decision to include short excerpts from individual authors may seem needless to the scholar; but it is useful to the student and, at the same time, adds a certain liveliness to the book, which by its very nature would otherwise be condemned to remaining an inventory of names and dates. The strong point of the Patrology is its clarity, the fulness of its bibliography and its completeness (for the author has allowed himself a broader scale than Altaner); for example, he can spend three pages on the sixth-century papyrus, discovered in 1941, which gives apparently the stenographers' report of Origen's debate with Bishop Heracleides (A.D. 244/5) on the proper terminology to be used when discussing the Trinity (Patrology II 62ff.).

Professor Hanfmann's publication of the season sarcophagus of Dumbarton Oaks is also a monograph on season sarcophagi in general and on the symbolism of the Horae and seasons in literature and art. The appearance of two important reviews by Professor Doro Levi and by Miss Marion Lawrence affords this writer an opportunity of re-evaluating his first impression of the book in the light of criticism by others.

During the past decade there has been a significant shift of emphasis in work on the medieval canonists. The traditional studies on the literary history of canonistic sources and on problems of specifically ecclesiastical jurisprudence continue to flourish, and, indeed, have been stimulated by the plans for a new edition of Gratian's Decretum; but alongside this work, and complementary to it, there has appeared a new trend, a lively interest in the content and influence of canonistic doctrine concerning public law and political theory. This trend, moreover, shows all the international diffusion — and even, perhaps, something of the interplay of national susceptibilities — that its exponents have discerned in the work of the medieval canonists themselves. It is especially interesting that notable contributions have come from England and the United States as well as from the more established centers of canonistic studies.