After my hartie Commendations to your selfe and the rest of our Brethren of the Chapter of Salisburye.

There is the place of a Base voyd in his Majesties Chappell Royall, which hee desiers should bee as well fitted as might bee: and upon the hearinge of some voicess is likely presently to make choice of Mr Thomas Rayment, one that hath a place in your Church of Salisburie, whoe hee hopes wilbee able to doe him good Service. His Majesties pleasure is, and hee hath commaunded mee to signifie it unto your selfe and the Chapter, that his express will is, that if hee take the said Mr Thomas Rayment into his Service, that shalbee noe hinderance to him for the enjoyinge of the place hee nowe houldeth in your Church of Salisburie, and of all the other proffitts and emoluments belonginge thereunto; the said Mr Rayment performinge all such Services in your Church as by dutie hee is bound such tymes only excepted as hee shalbee imployed in his Majestyes Service. Thus not doubtinge of your love and reddiness to obey his Majesties Commaund in this particular I leave you all to the grace of God; and commendinge my selfe to your prayers rest

Your very Lovinge Frend

Guil: Batho: et Welle:

White hall. January. 28. 1626.

Salutem in Christo.

My very good Lord

I am informed that Mr Lee Rector of Standish in Lancashire, and within your Lordships Diocess is dangerously sicke, and that the Right of Presentation to that Livinge for the next turne belonges to his Majesty. And however I wish the Incumbent may recover, yet in case it should please God to call him being aged these are in his Majestys Name to pray and require your Lordship not to give Institution to any Clerke whatsoever in prejudice of the Kings Title. Soe not doubting of your care herein I leave you to the Grace of God and rest

Your Lordships very lovinge Freind and Brother.

W: Cant:

Lambeth. May. 22. 1635

To the Right Reverend Father in God, my very good Lord and Brother the Lord Bishop of Chester. these

THIS study is closely related to aspects of David Maw's chapter in this volume on the connection between organal passages, chant, and Petronian motets. Beginning from Jacques Derrida's notion of moments of ‘openness’ as pertaining to flexibility or improvisation in the performance or dissemination of a given work, the topics of rhythmic and melodic flexibility as inherent parts of performance in the genres of chant, organum, and motet will be addressed. The discussion of chant and organum will provide the background for how moments of ‘openness’ might be identified in the repertory of Mo 8, focusing first on the semibreve flourishes that typically occur at the end of a given perfection in a motet, and second on the groups of more than three semibreves, which are commonly referred to as Petronian semibreves.

‘OPENNESS’ AND MELODIC FLEXIBILITY IN CHANT AND ORGANUM

Oscar Mascarenas, in his dissertation ‘Exposing the Play in Gregorian Chant: The Manuscript as an Opening of Re-presentation’, outlines a third stream in chant studies that addresses the variable melodic formulae in chant. The first two streams are well known. The first argues that the variable versions of a chant as seen in the surviving manuscripts are clues to discovering the path of a given chant through time. From these clues we may create stemmae of influence and hypothesize an ideal original form of the chant. The surviving chant is therefore viewed as degenerating from this original form. The second stream is closely related to the first, but takes the view that variant forms represent a particular house style exemplified by a composer/scribe. Rather than deteriorations, these variants are viewed as progressive recompositions, reimagining the chant to the exact compositional specifications of a particular manuscript or context. The changes made are thus intentional changes to accommodate these concerns.

Mascarenas's answer to the question of variance in chant transmission is that variable elements represent passages of flexible, unfixed, melodic content. He refers to such moments and the act of creating performances from these manuscripts as moments of ‘openness’ that he defines as follows:

Salutem in Christo

My very good Lord

Your Letters of the 7th of December were delivered safely to me by your Sonne. In them I understand you had received a Resignation of the Vicaredge of Rachedale, and that you were now able to make it good that there are divers Leases of the gleabe Land of the Rectory of Whaley unexpired, which I am very glad to heare from you; because if Sir Ralph should flye oft from the agreement, I am the readier for him, but as he hath noe reason, soe I presume he will not; and I gave these your Lordships Letters little or noe answere because much about the time that I received them, I sent you Letters by Kenyon, signifying to your Lordship my agreement.

Now I have received other Letters from your Lordship of which you shall heere receive the answere; and for which, I give you a great deale of thankes. It is true, that in my agreement with Sir Ralphe, I have augmented the poore Ministers stipend 64li per annum, and if I live to another renewing, I am like to make another augmentation, (but of that, I pray say nothing.) And for the Fine, which I have agreed to take of Sir Ralph I am of the same opinion with your Lordship and some others there, namely that I have fallen farre short of that Benefitt, which I might have made: But the trueth is, Sir Ralph made such pittifull moane to me, with deepe protestations of his being in Debt, and the charge of 10 Children, beside that Sonne, upon whome the best of his Estate is settled; and almost nothing left him but this Lease, and was soe willing for the surrender, and reduceing it to 21 yeares, to the great advantage of my Sea, what ever it be to myselfe, that I was willing to deale by him, as I have done. Besides this way is without Clamour, which the strugling in Lawe, and the thrusting of him out, would have been full of.

I doe desire you to be very carefull of the observance of those thinges which are given you by the will or other ordinance of any benefactours for if that be not done it will Disharten other well minded men to doe that for Colledges which they would otherwise have beene easilie induced to doe. So wishinge all prosperouse successe to your selfe and that whole Society I leave you to gods protection and rest

your lovinge freind

W. Cant.

1638 10 December.

Setting the Scene

Not all composers are music theorists, and fewer still publish theoretical textbooks. Of these few, the connection between their music and theory varies: Johann Joseph Fux wrote music in a mature Baroque style, yet his theory codified the earlier polyphonic practice of Giovanni Pierluigi da Palestrina. The French composer Jean-Philippe Rameau wrote an extensive treatise on thorough-bass, beginning with a first part that speculatively justifies the diatonic system using the overtone series. In turn, the Austrian thorough-bass theorists wrote practical treatises which reflected the harmonic character of their music-making, such as Johann Georg Albrechtsberger, Simon Sechter and Anton Bruckner. The German theorist Hugo Riemann took Rameau's speculative application one step further and invented harmonic dualism to objectify the minor mode. Some composer-theorists were prominent composers in their lifetimes. Many were not.

Against this backdrop is a rare occurrence of a composer who turned to the writing of music theory textbooks as a way of streamlining his own compositional style: Paul Hindemith (1895–1963). Though he has been classed among the great composers of the early twentieth century, in the esteemed company of Béla Bartók, Arnold Schoenberg and Igor Stravinsky, his legacy and music theory remain enigmatic. Unlike Schoenberg, who wrote textbooks to observe features of earlier, diatonic music, Hindemith created a speculative music theory that offered a direction for contemporary composition to follow which did not sever its ties with tonality, and yet used the chromatic scale. He entitled it Unterweisung im Tonsatz.

Hindemith's committed engagement with music theory is, further, unusual given his early popularity as a performer and a composer. His initial achievements in performance included entering the Frankfurt Opera Orchestra aged nineteen and subsequently playing in the Rebner and Amar String Quartets. The status of his technical prowess as a viola soloist was elevated to the highest international standing during the 1920s and 1930s, where he premiered his three viola concertos and, in addition, William Walton's Viola Concerto at infamously short notice. Hindemith performed his viola concertos with some of the leading musicians and ensembles of the twentieth century: for example, his fifth Kammermusik was premiered in November 1927 with the Berlin Staatskapelle under Otto Klemperer. Moreover, these were not isolated performances; Ian Kemp reports that, by 1938, Hindemith had played the Kammermusik ninety times.

The Catalan-Speaking Lands, between the North and the South

The northeastern reaches of modern-day Catalonia have long been a transitional frontier land, a strategic crossroads, the gateway between the Iberian Peninsula and the rest of the continent. From pre-Roman times to the present day, the population of this region has been nourished by migration, both from the north and from the south. Its culture has also been shaped by its access to the Mediterranean, since the golden age of Phoenician trade and the establishment of the Greek colonies of Emporion around 600 bc and later Rhode (modern-day Empúries and Roses), and in particular since the start of the Roman conquest of the Peninsula in 218 BC, when Gnaeus Cornelius Scipio landed at Empúries to cut off Hannibal's supply lines during the Second Punic War. Marching southwards, Scipio established a camp at Tarraco (Tarragona), which in due course became a colony, and then, in Augustus's time, the capital of a Roman province which included several towns, still important urban centres in presentday Catalonia: Gerunda (Girona), Iluro (Mataró), Baetulo (Badalona), Barcino (Barcelona), Ausa (Vic), Ilerda (Lleida), and Dertosa (Tortosa) (see Map 1). Some of these towns became bishoprics and, with the institutionalization of Christianity in the early fourth century, Tarraco the archbishopric. The profound Romanization and Christianization of this region persisted during the Visigothic period until the early eighth century. The subsequent Islamic conquest of the Peninsula lasted in the northeastern part of what would become Catalonia for less than a century. In these lands, Latin gave way to Catalan, a Romance language closely related to Occitan – the language spoken from Limoges to the Pyrenees and from Bordeaux to Nice in the southern half of modern-day France. From then until the fifteenth century, Catalan evolved naturally and its written form matured as a vernacular language, with Latin remaining the high-status language of culture.

Catalonia's strategic location has played a key role in its history. Over the centuries that location explains the settlement of new populations, the frequent incursions, the northward emigrations of the native population, and the industrial and commercial activity of a region that is well connected, but has limited natural resources.

Salutem in Christo

Mye verie good Lord

your Chancelor I thanke hime hath beene with me, and I am very well satisfied with the accompt he hath given me of the Contribution of the Clergie within your diocese towards the repayre of St Paules Church in London. And for your Care which you propounde to me Concerninge the Towne of Stretford uppon Avon and the lecturer there your Lordship did verie well to discharge hime beinge a beneficed man (as you write) in another diocese. For there is a great deale of daunger in it, For yf a lecturer that is beneficed in another diocese shall preach any thinge to embroyle the Church; for that which shalbe otherwise false or untrue in itself he maye slip awaye to his owne home and there keepe himselfe out of the Reatch of that Bishop in whose diocese he hath donne the hurt. Besydes your Lordship sees howe apt others are to followe such an example. I must therefore and doe hartely praye your Lordship not to suffer any man, be he what he wilbe to hold a lecture in your diocese yf he be beneficed in another, Soe your Lordship hath here the same directions from me that I have ever practized myselfe, and which wilbe a good meanes to bringe ease to you and safetie to your diocese. Thus glad to heare of your Lordships health I leave you to the grace of god and rest

your Lordships verie lovinge Frend and brother

W: Cant:

Lambethe Maye 7 1634

Salutem in Christo

Sir

I thanke you for your love, and well wishinge to my remove from one great trouble to a greater: In which Place I shall need not only the well wishings but the Prayers of all my Frends.

I shall be very glad to receave the money due to the College from the Bishop of Waterford. But I pray in any case, doe not relye to much upon his word for money comes very hardly from him. But I am very sorry he keepes his old wont, and that he hath carryed himselfe soe unworthily in that Place. Yet [if he] and his Brother of Corke will petition the Kinge for the [Bishopric of] Lismore, and the College of Youghall, they will make some little piece of amends, for their former Sacrilegious basenes. And if any such Petition ever come to my hands, I will followe it close, and doe the Church all the right I can. And it wilbe very hansomly carryed if the Petition may come recommended hence to my Lord Deputye.

I pray in any case keepe my Lord Deputy mindfull of the great busynesse concerninge the Impropriations, which are as yet in the Kinges hand. I knowe my Lord disposes them very nobly as they fall, and if they cannot [be] safely disposed of to the Church but by an Act of Parliament, god sen[d] an Act to pass when time shall serve. But Mr Attorney hath a… they may be past otherwise; were all men else as willing and ready [as the] Kinge himselfe is. But I knowe not howe, the Church must allwayes fin[d some] rubb or another.

For your selfe, I heare nothing but good of your labours and endeavo[rs] there, and I hope I never shall heare other. If I should, (though I will allwayes hope it proceeds from some malignity against your Place or your Person) yet you shall be sure I will give you notice of it. I pray commend my Love to the Master of the Rolles. Soe in hast I leave you to the Grace of God, and rest

Your very loveinge Frend

W: Cant:

Lambeth. March. 11th 1633.

I pray be carefull to gett the College money from the Bishop of Waterford. I cannot be quyett till I gett it out of his fingers.

In 1907, the first national census of British manufacturing confirmed textilemachine making as the largest single engineering branch. The nation's textile engineers presented ‘an overwhelmingly dominant force in world trade’, exporting 45 per cent of what they made. On the eve of the Great War, the industry employed 40,000, almost all of these men or apprentices. The United States was alone in the world in not relying upon Britain for most of its machines. Even so, just one Yorkshire town, Keighley, monopolized the American market in worsted machinery.

Machine-making holds a special place within the narrative of industrialization. The eighteenth century's breakthrough textile machines have become familiar because they are held to symbolize that great industrial and social upheaval. But the industry that produced these and later marvels, laying the foundations of mechanical engineering as we know it, lingers in the shadows. A century before its dominance was officially established in 1907, textile engineering was still a work in progress, in the process of configuring itself into a standalone trade. The industry's rudiments were worked out over the course of half a century, from perhaps 1770, in the textile districts of northern England. Here, individuals of limited education, with few financial resources and in general possessing no more than rough and ready skills, embarked upon an extraordinary creative endeavour that (it is no exaggeration to say) shaped today's world.

How could such achievement emerge from apparently unpromising beginnings? Here was an artisan trade picking up the sharp edge of technology, catching a wave of innovation, working out techniques and creating tools, cultivating a skilled labour force, and raising a generation capable of developing a complex new institutional framework. Textile engineering was more than just another new manufacturing industry: it was also the source of innovation, its role to develop and supply new kinds of technology to apparently eager users in the textile industry. An intriguing dynamic was at work. Demand could be generated through innovation – an efficient machine launched upon the textile industry was likely to find a market. Minds were open to change, and as the process of mechanizing textiles accelerated from the mid- to lateeighteenth century, the possibilities must have excited.

Mr Atturney:

His Majesty is satisfyed in the busines concerning my Lord of Anandale, and his pleasure is that you prepare a Bill for his royall Signature accordingly. I pray therfore drawe a warrant in such forme as your selfe shall thinke most fitting, and send it me, and you shall have it Signed forthwith that the Busines may be dispatched.

W: Cant.

October. ultimo 1637

Mr Warden.

I have detayn’d your letters longer unanswear’d then I use to doe; but I was forc’d partly by business and partly by my Lameness, beinge unwillinge to give you any answeare till I had found some meanes to speake with his Majesty that I might informe him what a moderate Waie I wente with Mr Harrington, and yet what an ill example there is of his disobedience. My direction nowe breiflye is this: That if hee stand out and will not obey my order, you convent him againe upon the Statute of arbitrary punishment, and absolutely suspend him from all Commons and proffitts in the howse not only till hee have payd the Money, but absolutely till hee submitt to my whole order. And wheras hee seemes to beare bould eyther upon my Successor (if I remove) or upon a newe petition att the Court of Requests: For my Successor when I knowe him I shalbe bould to informe him of the equity of my proceedings. And for the Court of Requests, you must eyther Fee some Counsell that may express to the Masters that sitt the State of your Colledge and Statuts howe you are bound to your Visitour, which Sede Vacante I thinke is in my Lords Grace of Canterbury. Or send some Fellowe and petition the Kinge against the Court of Requests, and Ile deliver the petition if they make anye newe Order to preiudice your Statuts. I am full of weakness and business togeather, therefore without farther discourse I leave you and the whole Companey to Gods blessinge, and rest

Your very Lovinge Frend

Guil: Batho: et Welle:

Westminster. March. 21. 1627.

I find there is an Error in the Instrument I sent downe, and that your Foundress her name is written Elizabeth for Dorothie: These are therefore to Will and requier you that in the presence of the senior Fellowes you call a publique Notarye and mend that Errour, and this shalbe your Warrant for soe doinge. Guil: Batho: et Welle:

To the right worshipfull my very Lovinge Frend Dr Smith Warden of Wadham Colledge in Oxford be these delivered.

By the time of Hindemith's final work catalogued with an opus number – the Concert Music for Strings and Brass (1929–1930) – we have seen that he was writing in a defined, consistent style. He had largely left behind the quasi-expressionistic language of the solo string music and Sancta Susanna, and the Neue Sachlichkeit of the Kammermusiken. Works such as Mathis der Maler and the piano sonatas contrast sharply in style and rhetoric with the earlier provocative and pluralistic works such as the Suite 1922 and op. 11 and op. 25 sonatas. The composer of the nonchalant Ragtime (Well Tempered) became the austere craftsman of the chamber sonatas, the Octet and the American symphonies. A further marked change in emphasis included Hindemith's community music-making, epitomised by Sing- und Spielmusik (Music for Singing and Playing) which began with a work for strings, flutes and oboes for the student orchestra of the Bieberstein boarding school in 1926, and culminated in Plöner Musiktag (1932). It was a prototype for music we now associate with valuable and sustainable education and outreach work. While Hindemith's early career married notable performance activity with compositions that were designed to shock and provoke, his career from 1927 became increasingly concerned with the challenges of teaching, conducting, and composing for the enthusiastic amateur or the marginalised instrumentalist. On the one hand this made him less appealing to the avant garde and yet, on the whole, many works written during the latter period became his most enduring and widely disseminated.

This change in attitude is inextricably linked to Hindemith's interest in music theory. Before arriving in Berlin, Hindemith appeared to have little interest in writing textbooks, whether of a deeply theoretical focus – aimed at the trained musician – or of a comprehensive and practical nature for use by musicians of a wider spectrum of knowledge and ability. He appeared, in print at least, to favour playing and composing music, rather than writing about it. His first publishing arrangement in 1933 shows that his intentions were to write a series of primers (presumably for twentieth-century composition) which ultimately grew into the ambitious and speculative Unterweisung.

In the early thirteenth-century Middle English life of St Juliana of Nicomedia, the author structures his didactic message around the figure of a demon. By making the demon – not the saint – the affective entry point in Seinte Iuliene, the author manipulates established tropes in hagiography, creating an emotionally ambivalent yet communally unifying experience for the reader. The demon evokes a complex affective interaction with the audience: sympathy for his confession and status as a slave of Satan, disgust for his evil deeds, and pleasure in his resulting punishment. The demon functions as a performative model of emotional response. The author discourages long-term affective identification with the demon, who is an ‘affect alien’ (Sara Ahmed's term), pushing readers to move through sympathy for the demon to the normative position of disgust for evil. While my focus is Seinte Iuliene, I also explore a demon's emotional performance and sacramental instructions in the life of St Margaret of Antioch (Seinte Margarete). In the context of the confessional instructions given by the associated Ancrene Wisse (a rule for anchorites), I describe the sacramental education the Katherine Group lives provide through the demons’ speeches.

While offering an emotional dialogue for the individual reader, the Katherine Group also defines the Christian community's boundaries through affective prompts. In his study of medieval drama, John D. Cox describes evil figures’ society-shaping role: ‘the devil's opposition defined community by default, illustrating emblematically what community was not by opposing it’. In the Katherine Group, emotions and demons work in concert to probe the boundaries of the Christian community, both lay and religious. Vital to the work's instructive function, Belial's final comical humiliation in Seinte Iuliene guides the reader to an orthodox affective distance from the demon. Before creating this distance through comedic exclusion, Belial's violent punishment invites the audience to experience a tangled confluence of sympathy, disgust and pleasure. In the final section, artistic portrayals of saints Margaret and Juliana help us probe the interplay between slapstick violence, comedy and sympathy in the saints’ lives.

We have seen that the papal privilege of protection for crusaders underwent significant changes under Eugenius III and his successors. From the secular perspective the main change is that from the time of the Second Crusade the papal protection was extended not only over counties but over the kingdom of France and the Holy Roman Empire. Given the sacral nature of kingship and the fact that kings were anointed we might expect the defence of people and property to operate differently for them. Yet papal guardianship encompassed the royal realm in the same way as any other domain. The difference between the protection offered to counts or to kings as crusaders was the regal and sacred status of the latter, which meant an intensification of papal effort to uphold that status by its protection. Royal and comital methods of ensuring peace, or at least negating disruption of political stability, were markedly similar, however; both installed ruling bodies of experienced and influential individuals to fill the absent ruler's place.

The focus of this book is predominantly on France; however, comparison with the German regency will illustrate aspects of the French version: how and why regents were selected, and the role of the papacy in upholding the crusade-specific protection. A crucial contrast between royal and comital government was that royal regencies placed a marked emphasis on installing representatives of ‘the two swords’ – the spiritual and secular spheres of authority. In France, the regents were Abbot Suger of St Denis, Archbishop Samson of Rheims and Count Ralph of Vermandois. In Germany, the young Prince Henry represented secular might and he was the heir to the throne, while Abbot Wibald of Stablo provided the requisite ecclesiastical authority.

In the light of the magnitude of the task of protecting kingdoms, we might ask whether the papacy promised more than it could reasonably deliver. Grabois, for example, suggests that implementing this privilege was an impossible task, especially when the crusader was a king. Yet we must bear in mind what the papacy had offered and what the pope had at his disposal to protect the interests of royal crusaders. Chief among papal sanctions was excommunication, which as we have seen was deployed against those who would violate crusaders’ privileged status. For the military protection and continuation of secular government, however, we must look to the temporal authorities installed by Louis VII and Conrad III.

Salutem in Christo.

After my hearty commendations etc.

These are to let you know, that since my last letters written unto you, in which I required that a Canonical admonition in them given by me to the Archdeacon of Canterbury, should be registred, concerning his residing in his prebendal house, I have received very respective letters from him, the answer whereof I thought fitter to direct to you, then to himselfe, that so they might be the more publike warrant both for you and him. In those Letters of his (not to meddle with any thing upon the by) there are these two maine particulars.

First, he professeth all readines to obey my directions for the keeping his residence in his Canonicall house. That therefore he kept his last yeares residence in Winter, and at Easter removed to his Parsonage house at Ickham, and hath there continued ever since. And that he purposes to returne at Michaelmas to keep his residence againe in Winter. But in all this I observe, that there is not one word mentioned of keeping his last yeares residence, or this which is to come, in his prebendal house, which is the maine thing in question. Not his residence or dwelling, but the house wherein.

Secondly he seemes to inferr that the prebendal house originally allotted him, hath been changed by negligence, connivence or some other bad dealing of his predecessors. And that if it shall so appeare by the survey of the Deane and Prebendaries, then he hopes I will consider of him for his future accommodation. To this I can at present say no more but this: that I intended by the survey which I have ordered to be made this much onely: that they should settle the bounders of every house with appurtenances and easments belonging to it. But not the change from one house to another upon any pretensions. Neither is it probable that any of the Archdeacons predecessours would forsake a better house to go to a worse. And if they have donne it by connivence etc it was certainly in time of their non residence, which I will not releive.

After my hearty Commendations.

I am desired by the Lord Mayor of the Cittie of London the Lord Cheife Justice of the Kings Bench and others his Maiesties Justices for the Goale deliverie for the Cittie of London to give order and Commaund that the Statute made in the One and twentith yeare of the raigne of King James of blessed memorie for the preventing of the destroying and murthering of bastard Children be publiquelie reade in every Parish Church within the Cittie of London and County of Middlesex att such tymes as I shall thincke fittest, because many lewd weomen being often convicted of such offences haveing nothing to alledge for themselves but that their bastard children were borne dead and that they were ignorant of the said Statute which request I hold to be pious and iust and having acquainted my Lords Grace of Canterbury herewith with his Grace his advice and aprobation of the said order I have thought fitt to give you charge that you require all Parsons Vicars and Curates in your Archdeaconrie within the county of Middlesex to read the said Statute publiquelie in their parish Churches twice every yeare vizt on the Sonday before Michaelmas day and on the Sonday before our Lady day immediately after the endinge of morning prayer before the whole Congregation to the end that all persons may take notice thereof, and the mischeifes which too often happen in that kinde may by gods grace be prevented. And soe comendinge you to the grace of god, I rest

your loving frend,

Guil: London

From our Palace in London Maij 6 1633.

To the right worshipfull Mr Doctor Cluett Archdeacon of Middlesex deliver, these