May it please your Lordship

I understand by Vossius that your Lordship makes stay of his Dispensation at the Seal, because it dispenses with him for not being in Orders. I humbly beseech your Lordship that you would give me leave to express unto you how the Case stands with him. My Lord Duke in his life tyme, for some Honor done him by this Man, procurd him of his Majesty a Reversion of a Prebend in Canterbury, at which tyme there was alsoe granted another Reversion to Mr. Westly, Chaplayne to my Lady Dutchess of Richmond. At that tyme your Lordship made stay of both these Graunts because it was against an Act of State that any of those places should be given till they were voyd, and I well remember his Majesty sent me to your Lordship to signify that this was his express pleasure that these should pass and that then he would make stay for granting any more. Now my Lord this Gentleman comming to be possest of the Place, and the greater part of his Studyes being upon History and humane Learning and being soe ymployed at Leyden in his own Country, my Lord Duke thought fitt when the Place should fall to him that a Dispensation from being in Orders might be granted him by his Majesty and commended the Care and the Trust of it to me, being noe other dispensation then King James of blessed memory gra[n]ted to Mr Casaubone in the same Church of Canterbury. In discharge of this Trust I made bold to acquaint his Majesty with what my Lord Duke in his lyfe tyme desyred, and his Majesty presently graunted the Dispensation, which I take the boldnes to signify to your Lordship the rather, because the Chapter at Canterbury is now mett, and as I am informed ends eyther upon Tuesday or Wednesday, soe that it will be a great Prejudice to Vossius if he cannot set forward towards Canterbury on Munday morning, for he is to make a kind of Composition with the Chapter what Allowance shall be made him in regard of his Absence, and if the Chapter be dissolved and scattered to theyr severall Benefices, it will be a great deal both of Charge and loss unto him.

Salutem in Christo.

My very Good Lord.

I have receaved your Letters of September 13th. They Came to my Hands aboute the 9th of October. And I hope, these Letters of myne may now finde you at Dublyn, Terme being well spent.

Your Letters begin with the Lady Carew's Busines. To which I wish very well so far as anie thing may be done (to take of her greate Importunity, and the Queen's for her) without prejudice to the Kings, or the Churches Affayres. And truly my Lord so far as I understand your Irish Proceedings, I thinke you are fallen upon a very Good Expedient. Neither doe I yet see anie Reason, Why it should sticke in the Execution. And therefore I have now sent a Letter on purpose for this Busines only to my Lord Deputy. And I am Confident his Lordship will either doe it, or give me some satisfying reason Why it cannot be done, though as yet that Reason appeares not to myselfe.

I shall Expect your Account Concerning the Church preferments, when you Can be ready; But I Confesse the sooner I have it, the better. And though Michaelmas Terme be begun, yet I hitherto heare not of your first part.

I Thanke your Lordship heartily for your Provident Care Concerning the Indowments of the Bishopricks in Ulster; And the Covenants with his Majesty against Exorbitant Leases. There was great necessity of that Covenant, when those Bishopricks were first settled. But since, the Act of Parliament hath putt them into greater Security, then those Covenants could: And Considering how easily it may be for an ill-mynded Bishop and a Courtier to Conspire together, and divide the Profits, and so undoe Succession, I think it is extremely well thought on by you to make Use of the Commission of Grace without any such Limitations. And though it be a little Chargeable so to doe, yet your Brethren shall be very much unadvised, if they doe not therein, as you doe. And I pray if anie Man stick at it, shew him this Clause of my Letter, that he may see what my Judgment is Concerning it.

Mye verye good Lord:

Mye Thanks for yesterdaye not forgotten. I thinke you Complayned your Eyes wear weake, and yett I hope they shall never be such as Cannot shewe you your waye. I mean nether your waye Heare, nor your waye Hence. To thiss end I send you heare a New years gift. That you maye reed it with ease, the print is faire. And in it is the waye, which if you take heare, you Cannot miss at after. It will bringe you to a far better Generall Assemblye then ever you wear yett at in your life. To Gods blessed protection I leave you and rest

your Lordships most humble Servant

W: Cant:

Lambeth. January 8. 1638./9.

For the right Honourable mye verye good Lord, the Lord Marquiss Hamilton thess

Epistola Gulielmi Archiep. Cantuar. ad Cyrillum Lucar. Patriarch. Constantinopol. (Anno 1636.)

Τῷ θϵοϕιƛϵστάτῳ καὶ ϵὐσϵβϵστάτῳ ΚΥΡΙΛΛῼ, ἐƛέϵι Θϵοῦ τῆς Κωνσταντινουπόƛϵως νέας Ρώμης Ἐπισκόπῳ, ὑπϵρτίμῳ Ἐζάρχῳ, οἰκουμϵνικῷ Πατριάρχῃ, καὶ τῷ κοινῷ τῆς Καθοƛικῆς Ἐκκƛησίας ϵὐϵργέτῃ.

μόνην τῶν πϵριϕϵρομένων τοῦ ἁγίου Κƛήμϵντος γνησίαν καὶ ἀναμϕίβοƛον, τοῖς Ρωμαίοις ἅμα καὶ Κορινθίοις διὰ ποƛƛῶν αἰώνων ἄγνωστον, τῇ βαθϵίᾳ ƛήθῃ παραδϵδομένην, καὶ παντϵƛῶς ἀποƛωƛυῖαν, δι᾽ ἐπιμϵƛϵίας δὲ τῆς σῆς ἁγιωσύνης, ἀγαθῇ τύχῃ ϵἰς κοινὸν τῆς Ἐκκƛησίας ἀγαθὸν τϵχθϵίσης, καὶ ἐζαιρέτου κηδϵμονίας, σϵσωσμένην, καὶ πρὸ τριῶν ἐτῶν πρὸς τὸ κοινωϕϵƛὲς τῆς ὅƛης ἐν Χριστῷ Ιησοῦ ἀδϵƛϕότητος, ἐν τῇ πϵριβοήτῳ τῆς Οζονίας Ἀκαδημίᾳ ἐκδϵδομένην, ϵἰς τὸ ἀδιάƛϵιπτον, διὰ τοσαύτην καὶ τηƛικαύτην ϵὐϵργϵσίαν, ϵὐχαριστίας μνημόσυνον, καὶ τῆς ἀϵὶ καὶ ἀνυποκρίτου ϕιƛίας καὶ ϕιƛαδϵƛϕίας τϵκμήριον, σὺν ἀσπασμῷ ἐν ϕιƛήματι ἁγίῳ, ἀσμένως πέμπϵι, καὶ τῆς βραδϵίας διακομιδῆς συγγνώμην αἰτϵῖ

ΙΛΕΡΜΟΣ, τῷ αὐτῷ ἐƛέϵι Καντουαρίας Ἀρχιϵπίσκοπος, Ἔζαρχος, καὶ Μητροποƛίτης πασῆς τῆς Αγγƛίας, καὶ τῆς ἐν τῇ Οζονίᾳ Ακαδημίας Καγκϵƛƛάριος.

Translation:

A Letter from William, Archbishop of Canterbury to Cyril Lucaris, Patriarch of Constantinople, AD 1636

To Cyrillus, most beloved of God and most pious, by the grace of God bishop of Constantinople, the New Rome, right honourable primate, ecumenical patriarch and benefactor to the community of the Church universal.

This epistle to the Corinthians, the only indisputably genuine one of those in circulation by St Clement, which had been unknown to both the Romans and the Corinthians for many centuries, consigned to deep oblivion and entirely lost, but which through the diligence of Your Holiness, brought into the world by good fortune for the common good of the Church, and through your exceptional care has been saved and three years ago was published in the famous University of Oxford for the common utility of the whole brotherhood in Jesus Christ, <this epistle> sends you gladly, to be an enduring memorial of gratitude, for so enormously great a service, and as proof of our eternal and sincere friendship and brotherly love, with an embrace in the holy kiss, and begging your pardon for the slow conveyance,

William, by the same grace archbishop of Canterbury, primate and metropolitan of the whole of England and chancellor of the University of Oxford.

Around the year 1280, the music of the west country was considered something special. The Parisian music theorist Anonymous IV, writing of techniques for concluding an organum (that is, a composition in which two melodies sounded simultaneously, in this earliest phase of western art music's unusual capacity), stated that it was normal to end on the interval of a 5th or unison, except in the west country of England, where a 3rd might be heard. He actually used the word ‘westcuntre’ in his treatise, otherwise written in Latin. We do not know whether he meant the region of Somerset, Devon, Cornwall, Dorset, and parts of Wiltshire that has been taken to comprise the west country for the purposes of this book. If, as has been suggested, he was an Englishman influenced by Roger Bacon, who probably grew up in Somerset, he may well have done. In that case, it is clear that a distinctive and perhaps admired musical practice was found there and deemed worthy of honourable note.

The west country's other venerable claim to musical fame is also mediaeval: the Sarum Rite, or Use of Sarum. This was a very different matter from the actual distinctive sounds in performance of what Anonymous IV was describing, being primarily the dissemination within most English cathedrals, and some liturgical establishments abroad, of Salisbury Cathedral's ‘good constitutional practice’. True, the Use of Sarum entailed some idiosyncratic elements of musical performance practice, such as troped Kyries ‘in which each phrase was sung with the words of its prosula by soloists and repeated melismatically by the choir’. But it is important to realise, as Nicholas Sandon points out, that ‘Sarum chant cannot claim any great originality’. Sandon continues:

Mr Attorney

Whereas the late Queene Elizabeth by her highnes letters patents under her broad Seale bearing date the eight daie of August in the one and thirteth yeare of her raigne did graunt unto Robert Barker the sonne of Christopher Barker the office of Printer of all Statutes, Bookes, acts of Parliament, Proclamations, Iniunctions, Bibles, and new Testaments whatsoever in the English tongue of any translation with notes or without notes and of service bookes and all other volumes and things whatsoever in the english tongue, or in the English and whatsoever other tongues mixt (the rudiments of Gramaticall institution for the Latine tongue onlie excepted) Togeither withall abridgements of Statutes and Acts of Parliament from and after the death of the said Christopher during the life of the said Robert which said Christopher afterwards died. And whereas his Majesties royall father of blessed memorie by his letters patents under his highnes broade Seale bearing date the Tenth daie of May in the first yeare of his raigne of England did grant the said office (except before excepted) unto Christopher Barker sonne of the said Robert Barker from and after the decease of the said Robert during the life of Christopher the sonne with a Clause that if the said Christopher should dye (living the said Robert) then the Executors of Christopher to have the said office for fowre yeares next after the decease of Robert. And whereas afterwards his Majesties said royall father by other letters patents under his broade Seale bearing date the eleaventh daie of february in the fowreteenth yeare of his raigne did graunt the said office (except before excepted) unto Robert Barker another sonne of the said Robert Barker the father for thirtie yeares from and after the death Surrender or forfeiture of the said Robert Barker the father and Christopher Barker the sonne. And whereas the severall estates and interests of the said Robert Barker the father, Christopher Barker the sonne and Robert Barker the sonne in the said Office came by conveyance unto Bonham Norton and John Bill And his Majestie by his letters patents bearing date the twentith day of July in the third yeare of his raigne did confirme unto the said Bonham Norton and John Bill the said office according to the tenor of the severall recited letters patents.

Salutem in Christo:

Honored Sir:

Your Leters found me at Court whear some little busynes stayes thiss daye, and whear I shall be glad to see you to Morrowe. I hartelye thanke you for your care and pains in drawinge the Leter for the Repaire of S. Pauls Church. And accordinge to your leave given I have made bolde to alter a little. Because thiss Leter I desyer maye be to the Lord Maior and Aldermen onlye, To contribut out of the Citye Stocke, and for themselves severallye descendinge noe lower then themselves, because yt would both prevent the Breeves, and be to troblesome for them. I hope you will pardon mye boldnes hearin and for that, and your other honourable favours I shall ever rest

Your Honours true frend a[nd] servant

Guil: London:

Greenwitch June 25 1631

To the right Honourable mye verye worthye Frend Sir John Coke principall Secretarye of State. thess.

Salutem in Christo.

After my harty Commendations etc.

I understand that you are entrusted with the Sequestred proffits of the Rectory of Whaley, and because I am informed that some Rumors have been lately given out in those partes, that my selfe and Sir Ralph Ashton are upon Termes of Agreement, I must needs tell you, his Agents have reported that of purpose to discourage you from undertakinge the Service, or some such end as badd as that. And I assure my selfe they will labour by all the means they can to hinder it, but I hope the rest of theyr paines in that kinde shall be of as little use to them, as the late Inhibition was, which they cunningly and closely procured, without eyther my Lords Grace of Yorke, or his Chancellors knowledge. These are therefore hartily to pray you and every of you to continue your Care and Diligence in this busines, according to such Directions as you have or shall receyve from the Lord Bishop of Chester, to whom his Majesty hath written about it, that Gods Service may not be soe shamefully abused as in those Chappells it hath been. And when this Difference shall receyve a just and legall Triall, which is all I ayme at, I will hope by Gods blessinge to provide soe well for the Church and severall Chappells there, that you shall have noe cause to repent you of the trouble you have been put to in this Particular. Soe not doubting of your Care and kindness herein, I leave you all to Gods grace and rest

Your very loving Freind

In the last two decades, scholarship has taken the Latin Polychronicon out of the cobwebs, reflecting on its historiographical geography and materialist history in the light of such concepts as transnational, national and local identities. In the course of these reflections, as well as in recent genre-focused studies of the place of antiquity in universal history, the Polychronicon's visual and verbal representations of Rome – especially as they relate to Britain – have played a non-negligible part. While I am indebted to many of the insights provided by these studies, what I propose here is both more straightforward and more ambitious: I wish to explore and reflect on the Polychronicon's cartographic, chorographic and historiographical space of an ‘Italy’ that is inclusive of, but also in excess of, Rome. Since the near ubiquity of this space precludes exhaustiveness, I will focus on some of its recurring features that may help us assess the place of Italy in the historico-geographical imaginary at a time when the island of Britain is already linked to the Italian peninsula by commercial and mercenary activity, but the works of the great trecento authors have yet to make an impact on English literature.

The ‘writers’ of the Polychronicon were multiple, and for the purposes of this study can be defined as three: the Chester Benedictine Ranulph Higden, as he revisited and revised an earlier version of his work at some time in the 1350s; John Trevisa, as he worked on his translation for Thomas Berkeley in 1385–87; and the unknown translator behind the only extant manuscript of his work in London, British Library (BL), MS Harley 2261 (c. 1475). Widely circulated, prolifically copied and continued, before and after being translated, the Latin Polychronicon can hardly be apprehended in all its variant versions, so there is little alternative but to refer to the edition by C. Babington and J. R. Lumby, which collates five Latin manuscripts and includes the two English translations.

When using the term Polychronicon in what follows, I will essentially be referring to features of the text that are common to author and translators, whose distinct voices will be referred to as those of Higden (for the writer), Ranulph (when signing additions under his initial R), Trevisa, and Harley 2261.

Salutem in Christo.

My verye good Lord

I would your honourable office of Knightinge your neighbours wear at an end. I have in the particulars whearwith you have trusted me more Causes then one to wish your presence heare; yett I see Contrarye to hope I must expect it longer. The busynes for Dr Carr stands as it did, and cannot possiblye proceed farther till your Comminge. I have onlye blocked up the Citye of Durham soe, as that I hope noe other entrye shall be made against us. Thear's but One feare, thoughe another be threatned. Thiss onlye, you maye peradventure loose the busines bye your staye, and I presume the Kings service is at an ende by thiss tyme.

Your Lordship sends me worde, I may guess at hime that in love to you hath advised you to be warye against the next parlament. I thinke I doe not mistake, and I have guessed at hime in mye selfe, and if I be right I shall make good use of it, as well for mye frends as myeselfe. And I hope when you Come, your Lordship will tell me wheather I have guessed right or noe.

Mye Lord thiss is all I have yett to wright, and I was purposed to give you noe such broken answear, but Expect ether your selfe, or your larger Leters which you threaten; but seeinge nether, I tooke thiss advantage of Mr Wansfords love and have from mye Chamber in Court scribled these fewe lynes to lett you knowe, that I am hartelye glad of the peace: that I remaine in health, and gladd to heare of yours: And that as your love hath deserved of me I shall assuredlye rest

Your Lordshipps most affectionat frend and servant

Guil: London:

Whit-Hall. December 12. 1630:

I am sure your Lordship hear's from others the miserable unworthines and worss, of the Earle of Castle-Haven

To the right Honourable mye verye good Lord, the Lord Viscount Wentworth, Lord President of the North, at Yorke. thess.

Salutem in Christo

My very good Lord

I should have sent your Lordship an answere to your last Letters before this time: but that I made stay of purpose to lett you understand alltogether, what finall end I had made for Whaley, which I have now finished. For I have lett my Lease for One and Twenty yeares, For the Fine, and att such tymes of payment, as my late Letters made knowne unto you. Your sonne I thanke him, received the money carefully which you returned from the Sequestrators, and paid it in to my use. and Sir Ralphe Ashton and his Sonne found the meanes to procure soe much money more, as made up my first payment; and gave me (I hope) good security for the rest. And soe that busynesse is settled to the great good of my Sea, thoe I have been moderate for myselfe.

Wee have likewise sentenced Sir Ralph Ashton for his Adulteryes and his incest, and enioyned him penance in the Cathedrall att Chester, att twoe market Townes neare, and in his Parish Church att Whaley. But in regard, he made an ingenuous confession of his Faults, and was very sorrowfull, and did very humbly desire pardon of the Court; They were content att his earnest Suite, to commute his penance, which they accordingly did, and soe he hath given security for the payment of 300li to St Paules Church; and in all thinges may thanke God, that he fell into mercifull hands.

I have given Sir Ralph and his sonne a strict charge, for their mutuall agreement, and the sonne, for his dutifull obedience to his Father in which I perceive he hath heertofore been much wanting. I have likewise layed my powers upon them both: to carry themselves with all due, and faire respects to your Lordship. And peaceably toward the Sequestrators, or any other, which have any ways shewed themselves, or taken paines in my busynesse. And I have farther told them plainely, that if they doe oppresse any of them, I shall referre theire complaints to your Lordship, and if you shall att any time certifye me, that they, or either of them be Faulty, I shall find a meanes to sitt as heavy upon them, as they doe upon the poore men.