Worthy Sir.

I have had noe opportunity longe tyme to wryte to you and to give you thankes for those two Letters which I receyved by your Servants at theyr comming out of those Partes. And now that I have an opportunity to write by this Bearer, I have nothing to say to them but onely to give you harty thankes for your love, and for those kynde Letters which you sent me. For as for News, as I know or care for little, soe what ere it be I am sure you neyther can, nor doe, expect it from me.

At this tyme I am intreated by Mr Dury the Bearer hereof to write unto you, and I am very willing to second his Desires soe farr as I may. You know he hath laboured much in the way of a Pacification between the Lutheran and the Calvinist in those partes, and is now repayring againe to the Diet at Frankford, to see if there may be an increase of those hopes. He hath indeavored here to gaine Letters from his Majesty to declare himself in that busynes, and to make himself a Cheif Mediator in that Worke. It is true (and I thinke I may safely say it) that most of the Divines in the Church of England, especially that are of note, would be very glad to heare of soe happy a Peace between those dissenting Partyes in Germany. But his Majesty (though alsoe very well affected to it, yet like a prudent aswell as a Pious Prince, doth not conceyve the busynes is as yet come unto any such ripeness, as that it is fitt for him to mediate in a publike waye. Besides he conceyve’s, that since noe Prince eyther Lutheran or Calvinist in those parts hath publikely declared himself, it cannot be seasonable for him who is soe remote, and can knowe nothing of the busynes but by reportes, to put himself avowedly into the Worke. For his Majesty is of opinion that if this were really and hartily intended indeed, some of those Princes which are upon the Place, and whom it must needs concerne farr more every way then it can him, and that aswell in Honour and safety, as in Religion it self, would have shewed themselves before this.

My very good Lord.

I understand that at your last Sealing your Lordship made stay of two Graunts past from his Majesty at the Suyt of the Lord Steward. The one concerning a Prebend in Christ-Church for the Hebrew Reader, and soe to continue to publyke use: The other about the Greek Lecturer, which is for the preventing of as publyke a mischeif, the bartering for that Place within the wall's of one Colledge only, directly contrary to the Kings Foundation.

My Lord this concern's not me in the least, only my Lord Steward after he had spoken with your Lordship in the Gallery at Whyte-Hall for the passing of these (at which tyme I was present when your Lordship granted it) his Lordship left the care of it upon me, as he hath been pleased to doe divers other things concerning the University of Oxford. This Trust hath made me bold to wryte to your Lordship concerning it, for which I pray your Lordships pardon, and humbly submit to your Lordships better Judgment. I would have wayted upon your Lordship my self, but that I am in Physick, my Physitians thinking it fitt I should a little wash of, if it may be, the dreggs of my great and violent Sicknes. Soe I humbly take my leave, and shall ever rest.

Your Lordships loving poore Freind and Servant.

Guil: London:

London house Aprill. 8. 1630.

To the right Honourable my very good Lord the Lord Coventry, Lord Keeper of the Great Seale of England. these.

After my very harty commendations etc.

These are to lett you understand that I have call’d Mr Harrington Fellowe of your Colledge to a farther Account both of his disobedience to my former order, and of his other gross misdemeanours and lavishness of speech concerninge my selfe. I have in this whole business made it my principall Care not to putt him to extremityes either in reputation or Fortunes: wayinge well howe easie a thinge it is for a younge Man to forgett himselfe to his owne hurt especially when hee is in passion. I obteyn’d therefore of some great Lords, and those such as Mr Harrington depended most upon, to afford mee the honorable patience to heare a Breife of my whole proceedings; where Mr Harrington was able to saie nothinge for him selfe. But in conclusion (for I have not leasure to write largely) Mr Harrington did there very fairely submitt himself, and by that hath given mee such satisfaction as I am content to receave from him; and did likewise promise faithfully to give the like satisfaction when hee com’th to you, both by submittinge wholely to my Order aswell to my letter as my Instrument. And by desiringe of you Mr Warden and the Company, that whatsoever is past may be forgiven upon promise that hee will in all his future carridge shewe himselfe dutyfull and respective both to your selfe and the Fellowes without givinge just offence eyther in word or carridge. And I shall desier of you all, that upon this submission of his to mye Order, you will pass over all former Offences and shewe Mr Harrington for the future such fayre respect as the modesty of his carridge shall meritt. Soe havinge brought this troublesome Cause of yours to some Issue I wishe you all hartely well and leave you to the grace of God, ever restinge

Your very Lovinge Frend and Visitour

Guil: Batho: et Welle:

Westminster. May. 9. 1628.

If the three weeks of Mr Harringtons suspension be past I would have that likewise taken of upon security given for payment of the twenty markes.

Right Honourable.

Thiss message Concerninge the Bishoprick of Man nowe voyd is occasioned bye a Leter sent from mye Lords Grace of Yorke, and bye me imparted (as mye dewtye bound me) to the Kinge. And if Mr Controlers Leter to your Honour had bine as full as yt was which he sent to me (and I thought it was) you would have needed noe farther direction. Since it proves Otherwise; I crave pardon, and send you hence all the direction I can give.

It is thought the Byshoprick of Man is not in his Maiestyes gift but in the dispose of the Earle of Darbye. The last Byshop filled those parts of the Church with manye unlearned and unworthye Ministers. Mye Lords Grace of Yorke (in whose province it is) Complains of thiss, and desyres remedye for the future. His Majestye hearupon is verye graciouslye pleased that you wright to the Earle of Darbye and his sonne the Lord Strainge, that nether of them pass anye grant of that Bishopric till they have acquainted his Maiestye with their right to Nominat. And then if the right be theirs, as his Maiestye will afford them all that is theirs; soe he will Expect from them that they name noe Man, but such as shall be worthye the preferment to such a place; nor untill his Maiestye be first made acquainted with it.

I can give noe fuller information then thiss, and I hartelye praye you that the Leter maye be sent awaye as soone as maye be. I take my leave and rest

Yours honours lovinge poore frend and Servant

W: Cant: Elect:

Fulham, September [recte, August] 24 1633

To the Right Honourable, my verye worthy Freind, Sir John Coke Knight, one of his Majestys Principall Secretaryes of State. these.

The complexity and diversity of the Mediterranean Sea and its lands have provided fertile ground for on-going debates on a wide variety of issues, ranging from its unity to its sharp divides, from the importance of human interaction to that of its microecologies. More than half a century of scholarly work and discussion has followed Braudel's monumental work on the Mediterranean, yet there still remains much to explore in order to obtain a clearer picture of how seemingly opposing realities have found ways to function within an environment where politics, religion and the economy are intricately intertwined. This paradox encompasses the different cultures and civilisations that have inhabited this closed space where, simultaneously, they were formally at war and trading with one another.

This book presents a study of Malta, a small but strategically placed island on the central axis of the Mediterranean which in many ways could be considered as the epitome of this contradiction. Malta's central position in the Mediterranean, a few miles from the Sicilian Straits, which were crucial for control of the east–west Mediterranean passage and, after 1530, the presence on the island of the Order of the Knights of St John (1530–1798), made it an active participant in Mediterranean politics and commercial networks. As in the broader context, two opposing realities played a significant part in Malta's economic performance during the early period of Hospitaller rule. One was the Order's major role as a bulwark of Christianity, mainly carried out through its corsairing activities, and the other was its constant trading activity with the ‘infidels’. Malta thus lends itself to the use of case studies which are approached with a micro-historical frame to throw light on larger phenomena taking place in the Mediterranean. Through this methodological approach, which delves into what seem to be the petty details of everyday life, this study arrives at conclusions which ‘highlight the hiatus between the normative institutional level of history and real life on the ground’. By projecting these conclusions into the wider context we can read beyond the institutional framework of economic transactions and observe them in practice.

MANY French motets contain refrains, which may or may not have an impact on their compositional process. If this introductory assertion happens to be true in what is commonly considered as the old corpus of the Montpellier codex, the relationship between motets and quotations appears to be slightly different in fascicle 8. Very few compositions, in fact, use true refrains, that is to say, refrains also extant in other narrative and/or lyric works. Instead, some of the French motets of fascicle 8 demonstrate quite a different way of borrowing poetic and/or musical material: they include entire quotations – which are not refrains – taken from other motets. This process also occurs earlier in the manuscript, although rarely. Sometimes, only the text is quoted, as in M25, Ma loiautés m'a nuisi (Mo 5,176, fol. 225v), which reproduces the same incipit as M147 (Mo 2,28, fol. 42r). But in other polyphonic compositions, text and music are similar. For instance, M9, Amoureusement me tient (Mo 5,76, fol. 114v), quotes ‘pour moi deduire et pour moi deporter’, which begins M28 (Mo 2,24, fol. 36v); M297, Mout me fu grief li departir (Mo 7,265, fol. 292r), begins with the same incipit as M196, Mout me fu griés li departir (Mo 3,37, fol. 66v), and the entire motetus significantly quotes other poetico- musical fragments taken from M196.

In Mo 8, three motets use textual and musical quotations of material that occurs in the previous fascicles. The triplum of Se je sui/Jolietement/OMNES (Mo 8,316) quotes, at its close, the incipit of Adam de la Halle's Entre Adan et Hanikel/Chief bien seantz/APTATUR (Mo 7,258). By contrast, Par une matinee/O clemencie/D'UN JOLI DART (Mo 8,309) and Au tans nouvel/Chele m'a tollu/'AI FAIT TOUT NOUVELETEMENT (Mo 8,312) quote no fewer than four different fragments from other compositions copied in the previous fascicles of the manuscript. I will focus on the latter two motets, whose quotations reveal a complex background of cross-references between multiple texts and melodies. Both fascicle 8 motets are built on vernacular tenors; all the quotations come from three-part motets; and all quotations reproduce a motet-voice incipit. However, their poetic registers are very different, and the quoting voice in Par une matinee/O clemencie/D'UN JOLI DART is the triplum, whereas in Au tans nouvel/Chele m'a tollu/'AI FAIT TOUT NOUVELETEMENT it is the motetus.

Salutem in Christo

Sir

I thanke you for the Accompt which you have given me concerning the Church of Ireland, but am hartily sorry to hear the horrible profanations which have seazd upon the houses of God in that kingdome. I gave my Lord Deputy some remembrances in writing, and one of them was about his Stable, which I hope he will change, unless he mean to teach his Horses to preach or to pray. I pray aske him who intended to make a Ryding house, of the Body of the Old Church at Yorke? But in earnest my Lord cannot serve God better, nor doe him self more honour, then by making his Goverment famous in the vindicating of Gods houses from such abhominable abuses. And this I thinke my Lord may doe with noe great difficulty if he will be as patyent as he is stout, and then thorough. And I pray tell him I say soe.

The Clergy men must needs be as ignorant and base as is theyr means: And theyr Residence cannot be great where they have not to eat while they reside. But less or great, great pitty it is, that any one man should hold soe many with cure, and I hope my Lord with the assistance of the Archbishops will remedy that, and the sooner the better. And the Revenews must needs be neglected to the loss of the King aswell as of the Church, where the Booke of Taxes hath been soe negligently kept, and soe many Alienations of Church possessions made as you mention. But I pray remember my service to my Lord and tell him that I hope this will put him in mynde of that great Busynes of the Impropriations, and his Majestys setling such as are in his power upon that poore Church, which is likewise upon my Remembrance, and my Lord cannot doe a more honourable worke. And I am hartily glad to hear that he hath begunn at his owne Chappell. I make noe doubt but the rest will follow upon those honourable intentions which you say, and I beleyve, he hath. And what Service I may be able to affoard him towardes the worke he shall be sure of.

❧ Introduction

Queen Victoria was crowned in Westminster Abbey on 28 June 1838. Two days later, the Western Times offered a town-by-town and village-byvillage report on how Devon had been celebrating, or planning to celebrate, the event. Part of this liberal newspaper's purpose was to shame those places that had done nothing, for the general idea was that the local community or vicar should arrange an open-air dinner for the poor (seven to eight hundred of them in Dartmouth, for example). At Barnstaple, ‘two bands of music’ attended the charity schools’ procession, and at the workhouse dinner ‘a song composed and sung by W Russell, one of the inmates’, was rendered in honour of the queen. The Brixham Band processed. At Chudleigh, ‘bands from the different parishes as well as our own, playing in solemn but melodious strains to celebrate this glorious festival’ began at two o'clock in the morning, and it was another eleven hours before they led off the procession from the Clifford Arms; a band was still going strong at the banquet, in due course following up the Doxology with ‘Jim Crow’, presumably for people to dance to, American minstrelsy by now permeating the rural west. Chulmleigh's band led the one o'clock parade through the town. In Devonport the dinner was for the schoolchildren, and the Devonport Choral Society sat on a raised platform in the middle of the tables. Exeter sported a band for the morning civic procession to the cathedral, a quartet of glee singers for the official dinner at the New London Inn, and Finnimor's band for the St Mary Steps parish parade with its ‘splendid new banner’. Exmouth had ‘bands parading the town’, Filleigh ‘a band … in attendance’. And so on through the alphabet. The revellers in some of the smaller villages, such as Littlehempston and Holcombe Burnell, for which no band is mentioned but singing or dancing is, may have been accompanied by a lone flute or fiddle. There are upwards of nine hundred Devon place names on the Insight Fleximap for that county; if a third of them were represented by instrumental music, ranging from a single player to a band of (say) eight, averaging out at four, that means that 1,200 musicians were blowing, scraping, or banging in celebration of that day.

Salutem in Christo

My very good Lord.

Whereas uppon a letter written to your Lordship in Julye last by my Lord of London, and other the Subcommittee for the repaire of Saint Paules Churche, aswell touchinge the Contribution of the Clergie as the disposeinge of money to pious uses, and other like profitts, riseinge within your Diocesse, toward that important worke; I understand your Lordship hath given good Testimoney of your zeale and Care in the former which is thankfully accepted; but of the later no fruite, hath byn retorned from your diocesse since the issueinge of that letter. And, as I doubte not, but your Lordship will proceede on your parte with the like affection Soe I praye you effectually to signifie to such officers within your Diocesse, who by the exercise of Ecclesiasticall Jurisdiction receive money to pious uses, That it is expected from them, and they are accordinglye requiered, that they take better consideration of the tyme, and occasion, for their performance, then hitherto they have done They﹛r﹜ Accompt whereof may not bee omitted. Soe not doubting of your Lordships best care, and furtherance Towards soe good and pious a worke I leave you to the grace of God and rest

Your Lordships very Loving Freind and Brother

W: Cant:

Lambeth the 30th. Junii 1635

To the Right Reverend Father in God, my very good Lord and Brother, the Lord Bishop of Chester. these.

Any snapshot of a northern manufacturing centre between 1770 and 1850 will reveal a wide assortment of ventures, comfortably out of step with one another. Manual worked alongside mechanical, large and coordinated workplaces neighboured upon small and traditional shops, goods were shipped around the world and also served very local consumption, production systems were quite at odds.

Because change was not linear, nor did it move in discrete stages, each and every industrial district accommodated many points of difference. Disparate environments co-existed successfully because commercial and individual connections allowed them to do so. If knowledge and resources were not immediately on hand, then within the circle of acquaintance would be a means to locate what was needed. Local economies whose component parts were fascinatingly variable contained many elements of mutual dependence, constant transaction between ancient and modern.

From this, certain localities emerged so strongly, so closely identified with a particular occupation, that their specialism was almost impenetrable by others. Peter Fairbairn, employer of 550 workers and £50,000 to £60,000 in capital, explained in 1841 that making cotton machines was so ‘thoroughly localized’ in Manchester, and likewise flax-machinery in Leeds, that ‘It is very difficult to obtrude any other places afterwards, from their possessing all the requisite information, which puts them in a superior position as compared with almost any other place.’ Flax-preparing centres in Scotland and Belfast, like Leeds itself, were almost wholly served by Leeds machinery.

Defined by their contrasting products and customers, specialized almost from the start, each engineering centre was unique and distinct. There were also significant common features, with many mutual and overlapping interests and affairs. At such points, where textile engineers met and mixed – formally and otherwise – with each other and the wider world, rested the soul of the trade. How did social exchanges connect into industrial life? And does this social context enable the trade's ethos to be in any way re-captured? In this of all industries, the culture, its levels of collaboration and mutual support (or otherwise), is weighted with great significance. The answers to why machinemaking advanced as it did are rooted in social relations and individual aspirations, in a world of increasing complexity.