We use cookies to distinguish you from other users and to provide you with a better experience on our websites. Close this message to accept cookies or find out how to manage your cookie settings.
To save content items to your account,
please confirm that you agree to abide by our usage policies.
If this is the first time you use this feature, you will be asked to authorise Cambridge Core to connect with your account.
Find out more about saving content to .
To save content items to your Kindle, first ensure no-reply@cambridge.org
is added to your Approved Personal Document E-mail List under your Personal Document Settings
on the Manage Your Content and Devices page of your Amazon account. Then enter the ‘name’ part
of your Kindle email address below.
Find out more about saving to your Kindle.
Note you can select to save to either the @free.kindle.com or @kindle.com variations.
‘@free.kindle.com’ emails are free but can only be saved to your device when it is connected to wi-fi.
‘@kindle.com’ emails can be delivered even when you are not connected to wi-fi, but note that service fees apply.
It is well known that marginalized communities of color, particularly young Black men, are more likely to experience police-initiated contact that other groups. Research suggests that these events contribute to legal cynicism, or the belief that the law and its agencies are ineffective, unwilling to help, and untrustworthy. In turn, cynical orientations limit one’s willingness to call the police to help. However, recent work on marginalized women suggests that despite holding cynical attitudes towards the police, their immediate needs for safety and services supersede these beliefs. The current study examines the racialized and gendered linkages between police-initiated contact and help-seeking outcomes (reporting crime, calling for an emergency, and seeking help from police for non-emergencies). Using data from the Police Public Contact Survey (from the Police Public Contact Survey–2020) results indicate that Black and Hispanic participants were less likely than White participants to seek help. However, Black and Hispanic women were more likely than their male counterparts for calls for help regarding a crime or disturbance. Across all outcomes, police-initiated contact was associated with higher rates of help-seeking. Perceived illegitimacy of street stops reduced the odds of reporting crimes to the police. However, perceived traffic stop illegitimacy was not related to help-seeking. Police initiated contacts and perceptions of legitimacy did not moderate the relationships between demographic variables and help-seeking outcomes. Implications for theories on legal socialization and the impact of police-initiated contacts on help-seeking are discussed.
This systematic review and meta-analysis examined the evidence for a potential relationship between vitamin D status and vitamin D supplementation on immune function biomarkers and prevention of acute respiratory tract infections (ARTI) in dark-skinned individuals.
Design:
Six databases were searched (inception to December 2021) for randomised controlled trials (RCT) and observational studies. A narrative synthesis and random-effects meta-analysis were used to synthesise the findings.
Setting:
Not applicable.
Participants:
Ethnic groups other than white, with or without a white comparator.
Results:
After duplicates were removed, 2077 articles were identified for screening. A total of eighteen studies (n 36 707), including seven RCT and 11 observational studies, met the inclusion criteria, and three RCT (n 5778) provided sufficient data of high enough quality to be included in a meta-analysis. An inverse association between vitamin D status and at least one inflammatory biomarker in black adults was found in three studies, and vitamin D status was inversely associated with ARTI incidence in black and Indigenous groups in two studies. There was no significant effect of vitamin D supplementation on differences in ARTI incidence in ethnic minority groups (OR, 1·40; 95 % CI: 0·70, 2·79; P = 0·34), nor African American (OR, 1·77; 95 % CI: 0·51, 6·19; P = 0·37) or Asian/Pacific (OR, 1·08; 95 % CI: 0·77, 2·68; P = 0·66) subgroups.
Conclusions:
There is a lack of conclusive evidence supporting an association between vitamin D status and immune function or ARTI incidence in dark-skinned individuals. Further RCT in diverse ethnic populations are urgently needed.
People with schizophrenia-spectrum and bipolar disorders (severe mental illnesses; ‘SMI’) experience excess mortality. Our aim was to explore longer-term trends in mortality, including the COVID-19 pandemic period, with a focus on additional vulnerabilities (psychiatric comorbidities and race/ ethnicity) in SMI.
Methods
Retrospective cohort study using electronic health records from secondary mental healthcare, covering a UK region of 1.3 million people. Mortality trends spanning fourteen years, including the COVID-19 pandemic, were assessed in adults with clinician-ascribed ICD-10 diagnoses for schizophrenia-spectrum and bipolar disorders.
Results
The sample comprised 22 361 people with SMI with median follow-up of 10.6 years. Standardized mortality ratios were more than double the population average pre-pandemic, increasing further during the pandemic, particularly in those with SMI and psychiatric comorbidities. Mortality risk increased steadily among people with SMI and comorbid depression, dementia, substance use disorders and anxiety over 13-years, increasing further during the pandemic. COVID-19 mortality was elevated in people with SMI and comorbid depression (sub-Hazard Ratio: 1.48 [95% CI 1.03–2.13]), dementia (sHR:1.96, 1.26–3.04) and learning disabilities (sHR:2.30, 1.30–4.06), compared to people with only SMI. COVID-19 mortality risk was similar for minority ethnic groups and White British people with SMI. Elevated all-cause mortality was evident in Black Caribbean (adjusted Rate Ratio: 1.40, 1.11–1.77) and Black African people with SMI (aRR: 1.59, 1.07–2.37) during the pandemic relative to earlier years.
Conclusions
Mortality has increased over time in people with SMI. The pandemic exacerbated pre-existing trends. Actionable solutions are needed which address wider social determinants and address disease silos.
Leveraging the National COVID-19 Cohort Collaborative (N3C), a nationally sampled electronic health records repository, we explored associations between individual-level social determinants of health (SDoH) and COVID-19-related hospitalizations among racialized minority people with human immunodeficiency virus (HIV) (PWH), who have been historically adversely affected by SDoH.
Methods:
We retrospectively studied PWH and people without HIV (PWoH) using N3C data from January 2020 to November 2023. We evaluated SDoH variables across three domains in the Healthy People 2030 framework: (1) healthcare access, (2) economic stability, and (3) social cohesion with our primary outcome, COVID-19-related hospitalization. We conducted hierarchically nested additive and adjusted mixed-effects logistic regression models, stratifying by HIV status and race/ethnicity groups, accounting for age, sex, comorbidities, and data partners.
Results:
Our analytic sample included 280,441 individuals from 24 data partner sites, where 3,291 (1.17%) were PWH, with racialized minority PWH having higher proportions of adverse SDoH exposures than racialized minority PWoH. COVID-19-related hospitalizations occurred in 11.23% of all individuals (9.17% among PWH, 11.26% among PWoH). In our initial additive modeling, we observed that all three SDoH domains were significantly associated with hospitalizations, even with progressive adjustments (adjusted odds ratios [aOR] range 1.36–1.97). Subsequently, our HIV-stratified analyses indicated economic instability was associated with hospitalization in both PWH and PWoH (aOR range 1.35–1.48). Lastly, our fully adjusted, race/ethnicity-stratified analysis, indicated access to healthcare issues was associated with hospitalization across various racialized groups (aOR range 1.36–2.00).
Conclusion:
Our study underscores the importance of assessing individual-level SDoH variables to unravel the complex interplay of these factors for racialized minority groups.
Because people have many identities, or multiple identities, social context and cues are important in determining when a social identity or group membership drives behaviour. Traumatic reminders, or triggers, can make group memberships salient. These reminders can take the form of discrete events or even wider events where political or historical context is seen to be relevant. Trauma has the capacity to reveal differences between us, or between us and ‘them’. A long tradition of research in social psychology documents the role of a sense of ingroup and outgroup, ‘us’ and ‘them’, that underlies tensions and hostilities between groups. In contexts where the situation is already oppositional or polarised, these tensions can quickly give rise to anger and even open hostilities. This can lead to a downward spiral of events where the anger and distress associated with traumatic circumstances give rise to social and political action.
Although many return migrants had planned to go back to their country of origin, other return migrants who had originally planned to pursue the immigrant dream––the idea that one can have a better life by migrating—eventually change their mind and return to their society of origin. Just as the identity of individuals must adjust to the loss of a relationship, job, or membership of a group, many formerly aspiring immigrants give up on immigrating. I analyze data from oral history interviews and social media narratives of 121 Chinese ex-immigrants from 16 different countries. I show how disappointments, the language barrier, cultural alienation, racial-ethnic discrimination, intersectional-gender issues, barriers to upward socioeconomic mobility, and/or restrictive immigration policies interact with each other to constitute ex-immigrant subjectivity. This article highlights why immigration is a far less certain process than many perceive it to be, contributing to the broader sociological literature on how in different and similar ways processes of abandoning important social endeavors, like a romantic partnership, political party, or religious faith, transform subjectivities and social identities in other domains of social life.
Electoral rules can affect who wins and who loses elections. Most cities select office holders through plurality rule, but an alternative, ranked-choice voting (RCV), has become increasingly popular. RCV requires voters to rank candidates, instead of simply selecting their most preferred candidate. Observers debate whether RCV will cure a variety of electoral ills or undermine representation. We test the effect of RCV on voter’s choices and perceptions of representation using survey experiments with large, representative samples of respondents. We find that candidates of color are significantly penalized in both plurality and RCV elections, with no significant difference between the rule types. However, providing respondents with candidates’ partisan affiliation significantly increases support for candidates of color.
Asian Americans became targets of increasingly hostile behavior during the COVID-19 pandemic. What motivated this? Fears of contagion arising from a behavioral immune system may have motivated hostility toward Asian Americans, especially among those Americans vulnerable to COVID-19. Additionally, stigmatizing rhetoric from right-wing figures may have legitimated anti-Asian behavior among those Americans who held stronger anti-Asian sentiments to begin with or who were more receptive to right-wing rhetoric. We explore these possibilities using a behavioral game with a representative sample of Americans at two points: in May and October 2020. Participants were partnered with a U.S.- or Chinese-born American in a give-or-take dictator game. The average American discriminated against Chinese-born Americans in May but not October 2020, when China was no longer a COVID-19 hotspot. But among Republicans, who may have held stronger anti-Asian sentiments to begin with and who were likely more receptive to right-wing rhetoric, discrimination—that is, differential treatment—was both stronger in May compared to non-Republicans and persisted into October 2020. Notably, Americans who were more vulnerable to COVID-19 were not especially likely to discriminate.
To describe national disparities in retail food environments by neighbourhood composition (race/ethnicity and socio-economic status) across time and space.
Design:
We examined built food environments (retail outlets) between 1990 and 2014 for census tracts in the contiguous USA (n 71 547). We measured retail food environment as counts of all food stores, all unhealthy food sources (including fast food, convenience stores, bakeries and ice cream) and healthy food stores (including supermarkets, fruit and vegetable markets) from National Establishment Time Series business data. Changes in food environment were mapped to display spatial patterns. Multi-level Poisson models, clustered by tract, estimated time trends in counts of food stores with a land area offset and independent variables population density, racial composition (categorised as predominantly one race/ethnicity (>60 %) or mixed), and inflation-adjusted income tertile.
Setting:
The contiguous USA between 1990 and 2014.
Participants:
All census tracts (n 71 547).
Results:
All food stores and unhealthy food sources increased, while the subcategory healthy food remained relatively stable. In models adjusting for population density, predominantly non-Hispanic Black, Hispanic, Asian and mixed tracts had significantly more destinations of all food categories than predominantly non-Hispanic White tracts. This disparity increased over time, predominantly driven by larger increases in unhealthy food sources for tracts which were not predominantly non-Hispanic White. Income and food store access were inversely related, although disparities narrowed over time.
Conclusions:
Our findings illustrate a national food landscape with both persistent and shifting spatial patterns in the availability of establishments across neighbourhoods with different racial/ethnic and socio-economic compositions.
The size and especially the growth of the Latino population in the United States are associated with anti-Latino and anti-immigrant attitudes. Findings from a recent line of experimental work suggest that Latino growth may also be associated with Whites’ anti-Black attitudes. Racial status threat could account for this association if Whites view Latino growth as a potential challenge to their status within a multi-group system that includes Blacks. Alternatively, or in addition, by engendering instability and uncertainty, Latino growth may promote ideological conservatism, which itself predicts racial attitudes. Building on prior work, this study examines the association between real, local Latino population growth––as opposed to manipulated or perceived growth––and Whites’ anti-Black resentment for a nationally representative sample of White Americans. Using data from the 2018 Cooperative Congressional Election Survey, the study finds that Whites in counties where the Latino population grew more report stronger anti-Black resentment. They are also more likely to perceive a threat to Whites’ racial status and to endorse ideological conservatism. Perceived threat and conservatism each partially account for the association between Latino growth and anti-Black resentment, suggesting the effect of Latino growth on anti-Black resentment is mediated through both channels.
Longstanding biases have fostered the erroneous notion that only those of higher socioeconomic status (SES) experience eating disorders (EDs); however, EDs present across all SES strata. Considering the dearth of ED research among those of lower SES, this study examined (1) the overall association between SES and ED prevalence, and (2) ED prevalence in the context of four relevant social identities (i.e. SES, gender identity, sexual orientation, and race/ethnicity) from an intersectional perspective, as unique combinations of multiple social identities may differentially influence risk.
Methods
A sample of 120 891 undergraduate/graduate students from the Healthy Minds Study self-reported family SES with a single-item question, gender identity, sexual orientation, and race/ethnicity, and were screened for ED risk.
Results
Participants of lower SES had 1.27 (95% CI 1.25–1.30) times greater prevalence of a positive ED screen than those of higher SES. Substantial heterogeneity was observed across the four social identities beyond the association with SES. For example, positive ED screens were particularly common among lower SES, Latinx, sexual minority cisgender men and women, with 52% of bisexual men and 52% of lesbian women of Latinx ethnicity and lower SES screening positive.
Conclusions
Although positive ED screens were more common among undergraduate/graduate students of lower SES, the particularly high ED risk reported by certain groups of lower SES with multiple minority identities reinforces the importance of investigating multi-layered constructs of identity when identifying groups at disproportionate risk.
The U.S. Census Bureau projects that by 2060, Latinx, African Americans, Asians, and other “minority” groups will together comprise the majority of the country’s population. Past research has found that non-Hispanic Whites, hereafter Whites, find such projections disquieting or threatening. Yet, recent surveys reveal that when given more than binary good/bad choices, most Whites opt for the middle-point response that this development will be “neither good nor bad for the country.” How can we account for this seemingly ambiguous evaluation of projected ethnoracial demographic futures? Using eight waves of nationally representative U.S. survey data collected between 2015 and 2018, this article begins to unpack the “neither” response among Whites, exploring what it might mean and what factors are associated with it, relative to seemingly optimistic and pessimistic stances. Multinomial Logistic Regression analyses and additional descriptive analyses indicate that “neither good nor bad” in this context is a substantive response: White “Neithers” are socio-demographically and attitudinally distinct from their counterparts. Our study demonstrates the value of moving beyond an exclusive focus on expressions of demographic threat and pessimism. Moreover, it invites further investigation into factors that inform and shape how Whites and other ethnoracial populations in the U.S. understand and assess projected population shifts.
Drawing on insights from Critical Race Theory and framing theory, as well as previous research, this study ties together and analyzes public opinions about two racialized and politicized sports-related issues: (1) the financial compensation of college athletes, and (2) athlete protests during the national anthem. Consequently, we highlight racial/ethnic identities, racial attitudes, and political identities as predictors of these public opinions. Data for our analyses come from a nationally representative sample of U.S. adults who were surveyed just prior to the 2016 presidential election. Descriptive results suggest that well over half of U.S. adults opposed having the NCAA pay college athletes; also, about two-thirds of adults viewed athlete protests during the national anthem as unacceptable. Regression results reveal that Black and Latinx adults were more supportive of paying college athletes and athlete protests during the national anthem than White adults. Other people of color were also more likely than White adults to support paying college athletes. Racial attitudes such as a lack of recognition of racial/ethnic inequalities in education and support for Black Lives Matter also shaped public opinions about these issues in expected ways. Finally, we find that political identities were linked to public opinions about these issues even after accounting for racial/ethnic identities and racial attitudes. Overall, this study documents public opinions about these prominent sports-related issues just prior to the 2016 election of a President who particularly racialized and politicized sports issues. Even then, these sports-related issues had been similarly filtered through both a White racial frame that encourages colorblind racism and a counter frame that promotes antiracist activism. Altogether, the present study offers further evidence of how sports provide cultural terrain for individuals to enact and negotiate racialized and politicized views of sports and society and illustrates how these processes were reflected in public opinions in 2016.
This Element examines just how much the public knows about some of America's most stigmatized social groups, who comprise 40.3% of the population, and evaluates whether misinformation matters for shaping policy attitudes and candidate support. The authors design and field an original survey containing large national samples of Black, Latino, Asian, Muslim, and White Americans, and include measures of misinformation designed to assess the amount of factual information that individuals possess about these groups. They find that Republicans, Whites, the most racially resentful, and consumers of conservative news outlets are the most likely to be misinformed about socially marginalized groups. Their analysis also indicates that misinformation predicts hostile policy support on racialized issues; it is also positively correlated with support for Trump. They then conducted three studies aimed at correcting misinformation. Their research speaks to the prospects of a well-functioning democracy, and its ramifications on the most marginalized.
We examined the association of generational status and age at immigration with later life cognitive outcomes in a diverse sample of Latinos and Asian Americans.
Design:
Baseline data were obtained from the Kaiser Healthy Aging and Diverse Life Experiences (KHANDLE) study, and a prospective cohort is initiated in 2017.
Setting:
Older adults in Northern California.
Participants:
Our cohort consisted of Asians (n = 411) and Latinos (n = 340) who were on average 76 years old (SD = 6.8).
Measurements:
We used multivariable linear regression models to estimate associations between generational status and age at immigration (collapsed into one five-level variable) with measures of verbal episodic memory, semantic memory, and executive function, adjusting for age, gender, race and ethnicity, and own- and parental education.
Results:
Generational status and age at immigration were associated with cognitive outcomes in a graded manner. Compared to third-generation or higher immigrants, first-generation immigration in adulthood was associated with lower semantic memory (β = −0.96; 95% CI: −1.12, −0.81) than immigration in adolescence (β = −0.68; 95% CI: −0.96, −0.41) or childhood (β = −0.28; 95% CI: −0.49, −0.06). Moreover, immigration in adulthood was associated with lower executive function (β = −0.63; 95% CI: −0.78, −0.48) than immigration in adolescence (β = −0.49; 95% CI: −0.75, −0.23). Similarly, compared to third-generation individuals, first-generation immigrants had lower executive functioning scores.
Conclusions:
Our study supports the notion that sociocontextual influences in early life impact later life cognitive scores. Longitudinal studies are needed to further clarify how immigration characteristics affect cognitive decline.
To examine associations between serum antioxidant levels and mortality (all-cause, cancer and CVD) among US adults.
Design:
We examined the risk of death from all-cause and cause-specific mortality associated with serum antioxidant (vitamin E and carotenoids) and vitamin A levels using Cox regression models to estimate hazards ratios (HR) and 95 % CI.
Setting:
The National Health and Nutrition Examination Survey (NHANES) 1999–2002 was followed up through 31 December 2015.
Participants:
The NHANES 1999–2002 cohort included 8758 participants aged ≥ 20 years. Serum carotenoid levels were only assessed for the 1999–2000 cycle. Therefore, sample size for each assessed antioxidant ranged from 4633 to 8758.
Results:
Serum vitamin E level was positively associated with all-cause mortality (HR = 1·22, 95 % CI 1·04, 1·43, highest v. lowest quartile). No other antioxidants were associated with mortality in overall analysis. In race/ethnicity-specific analyses, high vitamin E and α-tocopherol levels were associated with increased risk of all-cause mortality among non-Hispanic Whites. Among non-Hispanic Blacks, serum α-tocopherol level was associated with decreased risk of cancer mortality (HR = 0·30, 95 % CI 0·12, 0·75, third v. first quartile) and total carotenoid levels with reduced risk of CVD mortality (HR = 0·26; 95 % CI 0·07, 0·97, second v. lowest quartile). Hispanics with high β-carotene levels had reduced risk of CVD mortality.
Conclusions:
Serum antioxidant levels may be related to mortality; these associations may differ by race/ethnicity and appeared to be non-linear for all-cause and cause-specific mortality. Further studies are needed to confirm our results.
This study is a secondary data analysis that examines the association between parent modelling of dietary intake and physical activity and the same child behaviours among different races/ethnicities using innovative, rigorous and objective measures.
Design:
Ecological momentary assessment surveys were sent to parents to assess whether their child had seen them exercise or consume food. Dietary recall data and accelerometry were used to determine dietary intake and physical activity behaviours of children.
Setting:
Participants were randomly selected from primary care clinics, serving low-income and racially/ethnically diverse families in Minnesota, USA.
Participants:
Participants were families with children aged 5–7 years old who lived with parents 50 % of the time and shared at least one meal together.
Results:
A 10 percentage point higher prevalence in parent modelling of fruit and vegetable intake was associated with 0·12 higher serving intake of those same foods in children. The prevalence of parent modelling of eating energy dense foods (10 % prevalence units) was associated with 0·09 higher serving intake of sugar-sweetened beverages. Furthermore, accelerometry-measured parent sedentary hours was strongly correlated with child sedentary time (0·37 child sedentary hours per parent sedentary hours). An exploratory interaction analysis did not reveal any statistical evidence that these relationships depended on the child’s race/ethnic background.
Conclusions:
Interventions that increase parent modelling of healthy eating and minimise modelling of energy dense foods may have favourable effects on child dietary quality. Additionally, future research is needed to clarify the associations of parent modelling of physical activity and children’s physical activity levels.
A notable increase in immigration into the United States over the past half century, coupled with its recent geographic dispersion into new communities nationwide, has fueled contact among a wider set of individuals and groups than ever before. Past research has helped us understand Whites’ and Blacks’ attitudes toward immigrants and immigration, and even how contact between Blacks and Whites have shaped their attitudes toward one another. Nevertheless, how contact between Blacks and Whites may correspond with attitudes toward immigrants is not as well understood. Drawing on an original representative survey, we examine U.S.-born Whites’ and Blacks’ attitudes toward Mexican and South Asian Indian immigrants within the context of ongoing relations between the former two U.S.-born communities. Informed by research on the secondary transfer effect (STE), we model how the frequency of contact between U.S.-born Whites and Blacks predicts each group’s receptivity toward two differentially positioned immigrant groups, first-generation Mexicans and South Asian Indians. Multivariate analysis indicates that, among Whites, more frequent contact with Blacks is positively associated with greater receptivity toward both immigrant outgroups, even after controlling for Whites’ individual perceptions of threat, their direct contact with the two immigrant groups, and the perceived quality of such contact. Among Blacks, however, we find less consistent evidence that frequent contact with Whites is associated with attitudes toward either immigrant group. While varied literatures across multiple disciplines have suggested that interracial relations among the U.S.-born may be associated with receptivity toward immigrant newcomers, our results uniquely highlight the importance of considering how U.S.-born groups are positioned in relation to immigrants and to each other when examining such effects.
The disproportionate burden of prevalent, persistent pathogens among disadvantaged groups may contribute to socioeconomic and racial/ethnic disparities in long-term health. We assessed if the social patterning of pathogen burden changed over 16 years in a U.S.-representative sample. Data came from 17 660 National Health and Nutrition Examination Survey participants. Pathogen burden was quantified by summing the number of positive serologies for cytomegalovirus, herpes simplex virus-1, HSV-2, human papillomavirus and Toxoplasma gondii and dividing by the number of pathogens tested, giving a percent-seropositive for each participant. We examined sex- and age-adjusted mean pathogen burdens from 1999–2014, stratified by race/ethnicity and SES (poverty-to-income ratio (PIR); educational attainment). Those with a PIR < 1.3 had a mean pathogen burden 1.4–1.8 times those with a PIR > 3.5, with no change over time. Educational disparities were even greater and showed some evidence of increasing over time, with the mean pathogen burden among those with less than a high school education approximately twice that of those who completed more than high school. Non-Hispanic Black, Mexican American and other Hispanic participants had a mean pathogen burden 1.3–1.9 times non-Hispanic Whites. We demonstrate that socioeconomic and racial/ethnic disparities in pathogen burden have persisted across 16 years, with little evidence that the gap is closing.
To describe malnutrition (undernutrition and excess weight) by income, education and race/ethnicity in the Brazilian population.
Design:
Cross-sectional study.
Setting:
Brazil.
Participants:
Children aged <5 years (n 14 580), adolescents aged 11–19 years (n 31 892) and adults aged 20–49 years (n 84 660).
Results:
Among children, prevalence of excess weight, wasting and stunting was 16·9, 2·8 and 6·0 %, respectively. Differences related to income, education and race/ethnicity were verified, except for prevalence of wasting by education level. Girls and boys presented 18·4 and 20·5 % of excess weight, 2·8 and 3·7 % of underweight and 5·5 and 7·3 % of stunting, respectively. Prevalence of excess weight was lower among poorer, lower-educated (only for boys) and white adolescents, while stunting was lower among higher-income, higher-educated and white adolescents. Over three-quarters of women and almost half of men presented excess weight. Among adults, 3·9 % of women and 1·7 % of men were underweight, and 5·7 % of women and 0·2 % of men presented short stature. Prevalence of excess weight for women was higher among lower education and black, while for men it was higher among higher income and education and white. Short stature was more prevalent among black and mixed-race, low-educated and low-income women. Underweight prevalence was higher among low-educated, black and mixed-race women.
Conclusions:
In Brazil, the prevalence of excess weight was at least threefold higher than that of undernutrition for children and adolescents and at least sevenfold higher for adults. Social inequalities were observed in the distribution of malnutrition across the lifespan and by gender.