This chapter introduces you to a relational approach to citizenship education, one that is grounded in how educators can and do engage children in coming together to interact with and learn from others in their communities. In this chapter, we are interested in a broad understanding of citizenship education, one which might be better understood as education for citizenship. While commonly understood as either a ‘status’ or a ‘practice’, this chapter argues that citizenship, above all else, concerns relationships. Recognising this fact requires us as educators to consider how civic relationships have been and are (often problematically) framed and how relational pedagogies can recognise and draw upon learners’ existing civic dispositions, might develop those civic dispositions further, and can build civically responsive educational settings. The chapter will provide a critical overview of relevant existing research on citizenship education before developing key features, including key pedagogical features, of a relational approach to citizenship education.

The book concludes by considering the broader implications of the findings of the previous chapters to the study of congressional primaries and the institution of Congress. This chapter advocates that we need to rethink how primaries matter in influencing candidate positioning and elite party identity. It also considers the implications for the scholarly community, citizens’ representation, and practical applications given the current focus on primary reform. It suggests several avenues for further research that can build on the book, as well as identifying potential limitations of this work. It concludes by considering the implications of these findings for the two parties in 2023 and beyond.

In the concluding chapter, I look back at the question I began with and the answer I found in the practice of writing. I re-visit accounts of science and politics and describe the three sides to this relationship that I observed in the IPCC. I identify sites within the UNFCCC that have been designed to bring climate science and climate politics closer together, such as in the Global Stocktake of the Paris Agreement. While this brings accountability against the approved knowledge base, it is likely to further increase the political pressure on the IPCC as an organisation and as a practice for writing climate change. From the IPCC’s location in global climate politics, I move inward to the actors, activities and forms of authority that constitute and shape this practice of writing. The book reveals the importance of looking beyond scientific and political forms of authority and describes why the TSUs matter as actors that have the potential to uphold or challenge the scientific order of relations. I explore the implications of science as a site of politics, the global asymmetries in the knowledge economy, and their effects on participation for the design of new intergovernmental assessment bodies, which from the outset must design for meaningful participation by all in these critical sites of agreement-making.

The concluding chapter sums up the existential crisis of the peripheral-patronage state and reasserts its methodological and practical importance, particularly in analyses that presume to derive intention from action and see this as evidence of internalization of, even consent to, norms of human rights and good governance. It then explores the possibility of significant international change, especially from the rise of states whose domestic authority skews more towards patronage than Weberian bureaucracy, and who style themselves as respecters of aid-recipient governments’ sovereignty rather than imposing rights-based conditionalities. China's potentially transformative role receives most attention. Ultimately, because allegedly rising powers may want different rules but are unlikely to advance a rule-free global order, peripheral-patronage states’ need to strategize is unlikely to undergo radical change. This is suggestive of a functionally differentiated hierarchy of states, albeit one whose proper functioning hinges on pretending that hierarchy does not exist.

Part III draws together the central threads in the preceding chapters and takes the analysis a step further. Chapter 8 draws particular attention to the importance of context in ECtHR jurisprudence relating to ECHR Article 9, contending that in taking different approaches and reaching different outcomes in ostensibly similar Article 9 cases, the ECtHR is not necessarily being inconsistent. Rather, its approach can be explained by recognising the significance of the facts; the facts help the ECtHR identify what is at stake in a particular case and respond accordingly. In developing this, this chapter explores the importance placed on contextual differences between, and within, Member States by the ECtHR in Article 9 cases, and refers to the major role of the facts in cases concerning other ECHR Articles. Finally, it explores some of the broader cultural, social and political factors the ECtHR may legitimately take into account in Article 9 assessments, and considers the impact of the increased focus on the local context in declarations on reform of the ECHR system on the ECtHR.

Chapter 8 summarizes the arguments presented throughout the book and closes with a consideration of the implications of the evidence presented for our understanding of metaphor, language, and cognition.

The chapter begins with a brief summary of the theory and findings. It then examines whether the strong relationship between electoral autocracies and Chinese foreign spending is evident among a wider range of issues based on analysis of United Nations General Assembly votes. The findings indicate that electoral autocracies have displayed a markedly higher propensity to vote with China since the launch of the Belt and Road Initiative. The chapter then discusses theoretical, policy, and business implications in turn.

This concluding chapter summarizes this book’s main contributions to researchers’ understanding of this multifaceted response to rising inequality. It then highlights important take aways for policymakers and researchers and concludes with informed – if more speculative – insights regarding the future of redistributive politics in postindustrial democracies.

This chapter presents a comprehensive review of vague language studies from a pragmatic perspective. An utterance is vague when it conveys unspecific meaning. For example, “Many friends attended her birthday party,” how many is many? 20, 100 or 200? Our interpretation of “many” may vary from individual to individual, from context to context. Vague language is fluid, stretchable, and strategic. It consists of various types, including approximators, vague quantifiers, placeholder words, vague category identifiers, general terms, intensifiers, softeners, and epistemic stance markers. This chapter serves as a guide for understanding the characteristics of vague language. The discussion involves the conceptual frameworks and features of vague language, which are illustrated by examples and research drawn from intercultural corpora. This chapter reviews the theorization of vague language, its linguistic categories and pragmatic functions, vague language use in intercultural communication, and includes suggestions for future research. Vague language plays a crucial role in intercultural communication and its pragmatic functions, such as mitigation, politeness, and self-protection, form an important part of the strategic moves used in effective language interactions. This chapter provides an important contribution to the field of intercultural pragmatics.

This study explores the pragmatics and metapragmatics of elasticity via elastic language in online medical information delivery as a way of avoiding miscommunication. Moreover, an evaluative dimension that extends beyond the viewpoint of the analyst is incorporated into pragmatics, by investigating participants’ feedback on the use of EL, which triangulate the findings of this study. From a cross-cultural (Australia and Taiwan) perspective, this study presents an account of harmony and disharmony between professional medical websites and the potential users of these websites. This study finds that elastic language performed eleven first- and second-order functions. Elastic language was preferred more by the Taiwanese participants than by the Australians. The findings further develop the elasticity theory by adding a metapragmatic dimension, inform and assist the online writer to successfully develop healthcare literacy, and make online medical information credible and suitable for public education.

Authoritarian regimes vary with respect to regime–opposition relations, along a continuum of more open to more closed, focusing on the degree of competition the regime permits during elections. The particular political opportunity structure facing any individual opposition group varies according to the strategies that the regime uses in dealing with that particular group: inclusion, co-optation, or exclusion. The microfoundations of both party formation and political mobilization do not operate in isolation or in the same way as they do in established democracies, but in fact interact with the effects of the political opportunity structure that existed during the prior authoritarian era. An examination of the common competing explanations for party formation and political mobilization show that, while each explanation arguably does play a role in shaping these outcomes, they are limited in their comparative utility and frequently fail to explain the actual variation observed in these cases. Instead, mechanisms link the structure of state–opposition relations and the political opportunity structure facing different groups to their relative decisions around party formation as well as to the tactics and effectiveness of political mobilization in founding elections. Finally, the common causes of opposition group dissolution interact with the opportunity structure of the authoritarian era.

Chapter 7 concludes the book by revisiting key claims and discussing the implications of the research for broader debates in the fields of comparative politics, social movements, and democracy-promotion activities. Here we see that much of the focus of democracy promotion institutions and programs may be misplaced. Rather than focusing on existing political parties in hybrid regimes, as many democracy-promotion programs do, it is repressed societal actors that are more likely to mobilize supporters, win elections, and form the first government after an authoritarian ouster. These are the individuals and groups most in need of skills-building and governance training. Furthermore, much of the programmatic emphasis of democracy-promotion work falls on enhancing the “liberal” qualities of democracy: freedom of speech, human rights, inclusion of women and minorities, and the protection of civil liberties. However, what the cases here show is that democratic consolidation is most threatened by unmet benchmarks in economic and physical security after the fall of an authoritarian regime. When these benchmarks are not met, the support for democracy declines and a wedge is opened for the return of authoritarian actors. The chapter offers suggestions for future research based upon the findings.

This chapter provides the conclusion to the book, summarizing the findings and main points of each chapter. It also outlines the contribution the book makes to an understanding of the characteristics of dyslexic university student anxiety and an identification of ways of coping that students with dyslexia employ to deal with the cognitive and emotional difficulties manifested by their dyslexia. Implications of this for dyslexia practitioners, for universities and for academics responsible for teaching and delivery of undergraduate and postgraduate programmes are specified. In relation to the dyslexia practitioner, the chapter provides pragmatic advice on ways of using appropriate support styles that combine targeted emotional support with delivery and development of suitable cognitive techniques. Guidance is also provided on ways that emotional support could be utilised during individual sessions with students to encourage open discussions on academic areas where the student may feel vulnerable and sensitive emotionally. For universities, practical suggestions are made on ways of ensuring that the academic environment fosters an inclusive culture to establish a suitable, supportive and inspiring place of learning for students with dyslexia where they feel secure and encouraged to discuss any emotional difficulties they may be susceptible to.

We conclude with several observations on corrections and criminal policy. The final chapter has three short sections. We begin with a summary of findings and discuss their implications: mass incarceration has not solved the crime problem and may actually exacerbate it. Lastly, we offer several policy guidelines that may provide a road map to address the prison crisis in the region.

Chapter 16 overviews the implications of the present book for future research on politeness. While politeness has been the focal point of the framework proposed in the book, it is important at the concluding stage to reflect on how this framework can advance research on politeness both inside and outside of the intercultural arena. The chapter considers in particular the following three questions: (1) what are the implications of the present book for research on relating? (2) How can the proposed framework advance understandings of the evaluation process through which politeness comes into existence? (3) What does the intercultural focus promoted in the book imply for politeness research?By investigating these questions, it is argued that present-day intercultural theory is capable of making an essential contribution in particular to these key areas of the politeness field. The chapter has three main sections: ‘performing’ relational management; understandings of the evaluation process; intercultural focus.

This final chapter of the book considers the implications of its findings for the intercultural field. The chapter explores a number of facets that are important both conceptually and from an applied point of view, including the relevance of ‘relating’ to intercultural competence and training, factors that affect the relating process, and the nature of the culture, context and behaviour interface. The chapter ends by suggesting some directions for future research. There are eight main sections in the chapter: intercultural relations and conceptions of intercultural competence; intercultural competence as behaviour: the contribution of interactional discourse; relational management as an interaction and evaluative process; the importance of context; exploring the interface of culture, context and behaviour; culture and social groups; intercultural relations and intercultural training; future research directions.

Work is central to social and economic inclusion, and employment policy has long been a key focus for governments. But as with access to other resources in society, access to employment is not equitable, and differing levels of employment access often contribute to social ills. This chapter focuses on the ways in which work is central to welfare and social policy in Australia, the prevalence and implications of insecure work and under-employment and the groups most at risk of these patterns, the policy and funding decisions that have most impact on long-term unemployment in Australia, debates about workforce implications of recent immigration to Australia, and the importance of including people with disability in the workforce.

This final chapter summarizes the insights gained and discusses how far they travel beyond the coffee sector. It first concludes that market-driven schemes only show partial effectiveness – and even then only when allowing the goal posts of a ‘sustainable coffee sector’ to be moved a considerable distance from its original definition. In a second step, it discusses the generalizability of the book’s results. It reiterates that the coffee sector – with a relatively easy-to-trace value chain, a consumer-facing product, and a long history of awareness raising in both industry and civil society – exhibits many features that should benefit the proper operation of market-driven regulatory governance. The fact that it did not appear to succeed in this best-case scenario raises serious questions about the ability of private governance to show better results in other supply chains. It closes by putting the book into conversation with recent work and suggesting implications for academics, practitioners, governments, and consumers.