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Dominant historiography in Singapore celebrates Sinnathamby Rajaratnam as one of the city-state’s founding national fathers, and the intellectual superintendent of state-sponsored multiculturalism in what has been characterized as an ‘illiberal democracy’. Little attention, however, has been paid to the extensive periods of Rajaratnam’s life in which he was not in governance with the People’s Action Party, and thus had considerable intellectual autonomy. This article examines the first of these periods—his sojourn in London from 1935 to 1947—marked by connections with overlapping communities of anti-colonial intellectuals drawn from Africa, the Caribbean, and East and South Asia. Close reading of Rajaratnam’s London lifeworld, his published fiction and journalism, and the many annotations he made in the books he read reveals a very different intellectual history than the one that we think we know, and allows us to better understand his lifelong uneasiness with capitalism and racial governmentality. Re-reading Rajaratnam as an autonomous intellectual disembeds his early intellectual life from the story of the developmental state, enabling a focus on the role of affect and form in his writing. The process also offers new insights into Singapore today, where the legacies of state-sponsored multiculturalism are increasingly challenged, and where citizens, residents, and migrants seek new forms of solidarity in and across difference.
In this chapter, language policies are examined with reference to how they are debated in public discourse. The chapter argues that, like in politics, the space afforded to language policy in conventional media is often narrow, and depends upon how language-related issues invoke broader narratives of identity and ideology, though more significant debating often occurs in new media. The case study examines debates about language policy in Singapore, drawing on examples from traditional media (in the form of letters to the editor) to comments under a Facebook post by a local media outlet.
English Medium Instruction (EMI) researchers have called for studies that extend our understanding of EMI classroom discourse and the role of language in EMI in general (Dalton-Puffer & Smit, 2013; McKinley & Rose, 2022; Macaro, 2019). Corpus-based analytical frameworks are well-suited to analyze large amounts of naturally occurring language data and thus to provide reliable and verifiable findings about situationally defined language use such as language use in EMI contexts (see also Chapter 9, Author, this volume).
The primary goal of this chapter is to introduce the principles and practices of carrying out an additive multi-dimensional (MD) analysis (Biber, 1988; Berber Sardina et al., 2019) affording an empirically driven comprehensive linguistic analysis of variation in a register that could be applied to an EMI context. Our case study showcases the methodology using 500,000 words of text from the Singapore EMI corpus (SEMIC). Relying on the results of the MD analysis, this chapter also demonstrates how to identify text types via cluster analysis, which could provide additional information about classroom discourse. It will demonstrate show how these advanced quantitative analytical frameworks can be applied to analyze EMI classroom discourse. The chapter will also highlight practical aspects of MD analysis.
Indonesia has long been the country of origin for millions of migrant workers. Indonesian men and women have left their homes in search of work to provide a better life for themselves and their families. Most migrant workers are in semi-skilled or unskilled positions in fields such as agriculture, construction, manufacturing, and domestic work, which are mostly low-wage and difficult jobs. There are large numbers of Indonesians in Asia, such as in Malaysia, Singapore, Taiwan, and Hong Kong, and in wealthy countries in the Persian Gulf, such as Saudi Arabia, Kuwait, and the United Arab Emirates. Migrant workers leave Indonesia both through official, legal channels, as well as through illegal, unofficial channels. These workers are often referred to as “irregular” migrants. Migrants are often treated poorly and are found in dangerous, undesirable jobs. The Indonesian government is increasingly compelled to try and address abuses of their citizens. The Indonesian government is highly attuned to the treatment of its citizens abroad and has embarked on many measures to try and improve their safety overseas. Ultimately, the government has seen some successes at protecting compatriots, but continues to face significant challenges in doing so for a larger number of their workers overseas.
The rise of The Port and the Mo clan coincided with the “Chinese century” in maritime East Asia and the peak of the Qing dynasty’s power. Their story also demonstrates a world whose core areas were not only at rough parity but also converging with both ends of Eurasia meeting, trading, and learning from each other in Southeast Asia. At the same time, this period implanted the seeds for an eventual divergence. European mercantile organizations and, later, states came to dominate the sea-lanes and control the flow of silver and finance. They were able to shape and set the rules for an emerging new order. Chinese merchants and immigrants eventually lost their military and political agency and were absorbed into the expanding European empires. Meanwhile, more firmly bounded states and nativist sentiments emerged in mainland Southeast Asia. Both factors deprived The Port of relatively unhindered access to the maritime trade routes and translocal networks. Nonetheless, the Mo continued to enjoy significant autonomy until the French colonization of the water world in 1867, taking advantage of the hazy and ill-defined borders in the water world.
This chapter revisits the efforts mostly spearheaded by ASEAN to bring the Third Indochina War to an end. As ASEAN is the sum of its parts, the chapter describes the perspectives of the various ASEAN member states as well as how they arrived at a collective decision.
In Singapore, the Critically Endangered Sunda pangolin Manis javanica is threatened by habitat loss and fragmentation, and road traffic collisions. To mitigate these threats, an understanding of its spatiotemporal distribution is needed, as identified in the National Conservation Strategy and Action Plan for the species. However, Sunda pangolin occurrence data are held in multiple separate databases, are typically collected using non-standardized methods, and often lack accurate location details. To compile a complete georeferenced database of Sunda pangolin records in Singapore, we consolidated occurrence data from heterogeneous databases and mainstream and social media, and converted locality descriptions into geographical coordinates. We demonstrate the use of this database to analyse data on rescued pangolins and those killed on roads, to aid conservation efforts in Singapore, and describe other potential applications. We georeferenced 482 records of pangolin sightings, rescues and roadkill for 1996–2021, finding an increase in all three over the study period. Roadkill and rescues occurred mostly in central and western Singapore, close to forested areas, and were predominantly of subadults and adult males. The data can be used to inform threat mitigation strategies, post-rescue release plans and further research. The database has already been used in practice, contributing to environmental impact assessments and conservation recommendations. Overall, this georeferenced database demonstrates the value of citizen science and collating wildlife data from multiple sources, and the methods used can be applied to other taxa to aid conservation strategies.
This chapter explores Australia’s engagement with South-East Asia during the period under review by focusing on its partnership with Singapore. In the period under review, what former Australian prime minister Malcolm Turnbull termed a ‘natural’ partnership showed signs of becoming an increasingly important conduit for Canberra’s engagement with the region, hitherto an under-realised one. With Australia looking to deepen its ties with South-East Asia and ASEAN more broadly, Canberra’s partnership with Singapore went some way towards realising this goal.
There is an extensive literature devoted to analysing the common features of the Four Dragons – Singapore, the Republic of Korea, Taiwan and Hong Kong. It is generally acknowledged that all emerged under authoritarian tutelage, although all are now experiencing pressures for democratisation; all prospered in a regional economic and security order underwritten by the United States, although one in which increasingly the United States is being displaced by Japan; all were the beneficiaries (although to an uneven degree and with uneven results) of a Confucian social inheritance. The approach taken by Australian policy makers to the Dragons is to a great extent a consequence of their rapid rise as major economic entities in the Western Pacific within the United States-dominated Pacific economy and security complex. Relations with the Dragons are relations with what, for Australians, is the vibrant Asia of rapid economic modernisation, as opposed to the timeless Asia of subsistence agriculture. The fact that these systems have ascended so rapidly is a particular test of each country’s capacity to engage with the region, given their relative lack of significance before the later 1980s.
This chapter considers how Confucian values constitute constitutional identity in three Confucian-influenced countries in Asia: China, South Korea, and Singapore. Drawing on Professor Gary Jacobsohn’s framework for the comparative study of constitutional identity, this contribution argues that Confucian commitments are embodied in the formal and/or prescriptive constitutions in the three Asian jurisdictions. The constitutions’ Confucian heritages are continuously dynamic. Disharmony provokes a change in Confucian constitutional identity. The change involves not only judicial but also social and political activities.
Rulemaking in digital trade is proceeding apace. Many preferential trade agreements contain dedicated e-commerce or digital trade chapters and some states have entered into stand-alone digital economy agreements. This article seeks to establish whether, and to what extent, normative change is occurring in digital trade agreements, the nature of any changes, and identify which states are acting as norm entrepreneurs. We employ a new method of legal coding, systematically comparing the nature and prescriptiveness of digital provisions in 12 trade agreements concluded between 2019 and 2023. We find evidence of substantial policy innovation, and identify Singapore as the key norm entrepreneur. A new wave of ‘Singapore-led’ agreements substantially expands the scope of digital trade, to cover areas such as digital identities, e-invoicing and e-payments, the governance of AI, and regulation of new digital technologies. Commitments are typically couched as soft rather than hard law, reflecting the nascent stages of rulemaking. Norm entrepreneurship on the part of Singapore and its allies reflects a desire to position themselves as ‘digital hubs’ in the global economy, spur rulemaking in areas where innovation is ahead of regulation, and promote digital interconnectivity at time of regulatory divergence and geopolitical rivalry.
This chapter considers trends and developments in legal education in Asia through the lens of some representative polities, namely China, Hong Kong, India, Indonesia, Japan, Taiwan, and Singapore. The experience of these polities indicates that understanding of legal education in Asia cannot be divorced from colonisation and the imposition (or reception) of Western law. It has also been influenced more recently by globalisation as seen from increased cross-border flows of faculty and students, the teaching of transnational law subjects, the development of particular forms of teaching practice such as legal clinics and programmes equivalent to the Juris Doctor, explicit focus on transnational rankings, and transnational scholarly communities engaged in teaching and research collaboration.
Research on public health, crime, and policing regularly discusses sex workers in Southeast Asia but rarely recognises them as agents of social and political activism. This paper shows that sex workers and their allies in Singapore and the Philippines have long and rich histories of challenging their criminalisation and stigmatisation through cultural activism, political advocacy, consciousness-raising, and the provision of direct services to fellow sex workers. Using feminist ethnography, including interviews and participant observation with Project X in Singapore and the Philippine Sex Workers Collective, this paper explores how sex work activists have strategically adapted to their political environments. In Singapore, they maintain resistance through ‘shape-shifting,’ working within state-sanctioned mechanisms, positioning themselves as public health service providers, and creating spaces for radical political advocacy. In the Philippines, where an anti-sex work position is more deeply entrenched within dominant social blocs, sex work activists aggressively criticise state policies on social media and in carefully vetted forums but remain strategically invisible to avoid exposure, harassment, misrepresentation, and prosecution. This paper looks at how sex work activists engage in claims-making — underscoring the differences in the political resonance of human rights in both countries — and interrogates how sex work activism challenges social hierarchies, especially concerning migrants and trans individuals. Overall, it contributes to a richer understanding of non-traditional forms of political activism in Southeast Asia and makes visible sex workers’ contributions to feminism and labour movements in the global south and non-Western contexts.
This chapter expands reader horizons across four diverse Asian cultures – India, Japan, China and Singapore – and challenges predominant Western perspectives about sustainability. The concept of ‘glocal’ resonates in these Asian countries as a way to respond to both local and global environmental needs. These cultural contexts and the required border-crossings significantly enrich and deepen understandings for all about what it means to live sustainability.
This chapter examines the Singapore state’s commemoration of the 200 year anniversary of the island’s colonial founding. IT argues that the celebrations were part of a wider state-directed pedagogy to narrate a national story that is inextricably tied to Singapore’s British colonizers and their definition of modernity. This bout of state-driven historical performance points to the role of the fictional in both official and unofficial versions of the Singapore story. The chapter then turns to the award-winning graphic novel The Art of Charlie Chan Hock Chye by Sonny Liew, and Alfian Sa’at and Neo Hai Bin’s play Merdeka/ 獨立 / சுதந்திரம். It reads both these texts as self-reflexive counternarratives and counterpedagogies. Secondary to their depiction of counterfactual or confabulated histories is their insistence of a decolonial pedagogy that insists on an emancipatory approach in confronting Singapore’s national narratives. The texts seek to provide artistic and theatrical spaces for collective learning, contemplation, lacunae, and possibility. Confabulation is a crucial strategy against wilful state-sponsored amnesia and suppression.
Fintech is celebrated for its disruptive and democratizing qualities that dis/reintermediates the finance value chain. Claims of a ‘fintech revolution’ assume that fintech is ‘disruptive’ because of its innovative capabilities, but the extent to which these disruptive forces have reconfigured consumer financial knowledge and practices is not well understood. Using a questionnaire to survey retail consumers in Singapore on their use of fintech in performing different financial tasks, this article critically examines these claims of disruption and democratization by grounding them in the financial behaviors of consumers as informed by a financial ecologies approach. The results show a limited impact of fintech in shaping consumer financial behaviors. Respondents use fintech mainly for basic transactional purposes like making mobile payments and account management, but not so much for more complex matters like savings, investing and credit. The findings also reveal a ‘stickiness’ in financial behaviors that emphasizes the high touch points of human interaction. This study illustrates fintech's variegated material outcomes by highlighting the unevenness in consumption of digital financial services and the enduring importance of human relationality in financial decision making.
The members of the Singapore International Commercial Court (‘SICC’) include both Singaporean and non-Singaporean ‘international’ judges. The SICC is domestic, in that it is established under Singaporean law as a division of the Singapore Court system, and international in the sense that it hears international commercial disputes, including cases which have no connection with Singapore apart from a choice of court agreement designating the SICC as the forum for dispute resolution. This chapter identifies the rationales for the appointment of international judges to the SICC, contrasting the SICC with domestic courts which use foreign judges and with nine other international commercial courts around the world. It shows how the different objectives and target markets of international commercial courts, as well as the constitutional laws and traditions of the host state, influence the decision whether or not to appoint foreign judges. The chapter suggests that international commercial dispute resolution today favours the appointment of specialist foreign judges to commercial courts having similar aspirations as the SICC.
Singapore’s civil service has been lauded as one of the successful case studies globally. The emphasis on meritocracy has been the hallmark of Singapore’s governance. This principle remains a guiding philosophy for the dominant People’s Action Party (PAP). Political analysts often attributed “the Singapore miracle” to its corruption-free, highly professional, technocratic government. Still, certain segments of Singapore’s civil service bear the institutional and cultural vestiges of politically motivated appointments. In this chapter, we first analyze the process of selecting top public service positions, showing how political considerations are factored into these appointments. Second, using the case of the People’s Association, we explore the “public service” face of para-political organizations and demonstrate how appointments and politics of urban governance are intertwined. The chapter offers us insights on how political interests and concerns persist despite the progress in public governance, and on the role of elite networks and political regime-making in shaping public sector opportunities.
The unprecedented COVID-19 pandemic has caused restrictive measures to be established in many sectors including the legal and judicial sector; an example is the use of electronic litigation systems and video-conferencing facilities for trials. With the implementation of changes in the legal and judicial sector to adapt to restrictions arising from the pandemic, there is the question of whether the current rules governing civil-court proceedings are designed to accommodate these changes. This article seeks to explore the measures taken by courts in response to the pandemic with a focus on Asia, notably Singapore. The article will outline the legal basis for the use of live video links for the purpose of witness evidence-taking under Singapore law and the possible implications will be reviewed taking Singapore’s civil proceedings as an example in comparison with other jurisdictions.
According to the bioethical principle of individual decisional autonomy, the patient has a right of informed consent to any medical or experimental procedure. The principle is politically liberal by advocating significant individual freedom as guaranteed by law and secured by civil liberties. When practiced in illiberal communities, might it have a political liberalizing effect? I respond first by analyzing cross-national norms of individual decisional autonomy to identify tensions with illiberal community; second, by examining examining Singapore in a single case study to show that liberal bioethics does not promote political liberalization; and third, by showing that the possibility of practicing liberal bioethics in research, clinically as well as in education, does not require a democratic order, and that liberal bioethics is unlikely to encourage the liberalization of illiberal political communities. Hence, it may never contribute to the development of globally effective cross-national norms for the legal regulation of bioethical research and clinical practice. Fourth, to bolster this analysis, I anticipate several possible objections to various of its aspects.