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This chapter investigates tax payments and self-making amongst Romanian migrants in London. Vicol demonstrates how taxation is a mode of anchoring oneself in a moral order premised on self-sufficiency. Although the UK’s mainstream media cast Romanian migrants through tropes of welfare dependency, Romanian self-narrations as hard working, taxpaying subjects enabled interlocutors to constitute themselves as good migrants. However, becoming a taxpayer in practice was also an exercise in a particular type of bureaucratic literacy. A host of digital barriers, language deficiencies, and unhelpful bureaucrats drove many to seek out private consultants who made a business of helping their co-nationals decode their obligations to HM Revenue and Customs. Thus, this chapter also explores taxpaying as a technical exercise of making oneself legible through the language of the fiscal authority. Taxation becomes part of the making of the migrant subject. It is about the paradoxical ways in which a digitising state premised on self-reliance prompts affirmations of independence at the level of discourse, while simultaneously generating new networks of dependency in practice.
While previous research has highlighted the significant role of language in conditioning migrants’ access to key institutions of the welfare state, the question of how individual migrants experience linguistic disadvantage has been less in focus. Drawing on a relational approach, the article moves beyond the idea of language barriers as a static structure of (in)equality or a matter of individual shortcomings. It demonstrates how language policies and language ideologies, and their entanglements with more general trends in welfare policies and ideologies, shape migrants’ relational experiences with the welfare states and their representatives, and what are the implications of such interactions – or the lack of interaction. Empirically, it builds on qualitative data collected in Belgium and Finland, showing how language barriers and discrimination can result in Kafkaesque administrative processes that produce both material and affective hardship for migrants in these national contexts.
The disappearance of migrants, which has reached preoccupying high numbers in recent decades, is related both to the particular vulnerability of migrants traversing dangerous migratory routes and to the high degree of impunity that characterizes investigation and search efforts required. This article argues that the disappearance of migrants at the hands of non-state actors in contexts of systematic impunity and in situations where the state had knowledge or should have had knowledge of a serious risk of such disappearance, but failed to act to prevent it, can be considered to have occurred with the acquiescence of the state. Thus, given that all further elements of the definition of enforced disappearance have been satisfied, this factual situation qualifies as an “enforced disappearance” for the purposes of international human rights law. Key to this demonstration is the concept of knowledge, which is an essential component of acquiescence. This article not only addresses the normative framework of acquiescence and its interpretation by international and regional human rights bodies, including how it relies on the element of state knowledge, but it also examines the extent to which this factor is critical to understanding states’ due diligence obligations to prevent, investigate, and sanction human rights obligations, including disappearances. In order to better understand the factors that should be taken into consideration while assessing a state‘s knowledge of migrant disappearances, including in the context of systematic impunity, it is then suggested to borrow from the international criminal law test related to the concept of “constructive knowledge” and to the doctrine of command responsibility. These considerations should inform a test for assessing whether disappearances of migrants occurring in contexts of systematic impunity can be considered as having been known by the state and as having occurred with its acquiescence and, thus, as constituting “enforced disappearances” under international human rights law.
Training can improve healthcare providers’ cultural competence and increase their awareness of bias and discrimination in medical decision-making. Cultural competences training is lacking in the education of dieticians in the Netherlands. The aim of this study was to describe the pilot-implementation of a cultural competence training for dieticians and preliminary evaluation of the training.
Methods:
A training was developed based on Seeleman’s cultural competence framework and previously held interviews with migrants, dieticians, and experts. The training consisted of a mixture of didactic and experiential methods, alternating knowledge transfer with exercises to increase awareness, reflection, and feed-back on recorded consultations, and communication training with migrant training actors. The training was piloted in 8 participating dieticians and preliminary mixed-method evaluation was done using a Cultural Competence Questionnaire, Experience Evaluation Questionnaire, and consultation observations.
Results:
The questionnaires showed that dieticians were positive about the training. They found it valuable and educational. Participants reported an increase in self-perceived cultural competence and attitudes. Knowledge and skills remained approximately the same. The observations showed that dieticians applied the teach-back method and discussed treatment options more often after training. There was no increase in the use of visual materials.
Conclusion:
The training was well appreciated and, although a small-scale pilot, this mixed-method study suggests an ability to change cultural competence. The combination of a self-assessment instrument and consultation observations to evaluate cultural competence was highly valuable and feasible. These encouraging results justify a broader implementation of the training.
Migrants and refugees face elevated risks for mental health problems but have limited access to services. This study compared two strategies for training and supervising nonspecialists to deliver a scalable psychological intervention, Group Problem Management Plus (gPM+), in northern Colombia. Adult women who reported elevated psychological distress and functional impairment were randomized to receive gPM+ delivered by nonspecialists who received training and supervision by: 1) a psychologist (specialized technical support); or 2) a nonspecialist who had been trained as a trainer/supervisor (nonspecialized technical support). We examined effectiveness and implementation outcomes using a mixed-methods approach. Thirteen nonspecialists were trained as gPM+ facilitators and three were trained-as-trainers. We enrolled 128 women to participate in gPM+ across the two conditions. Intervention attendance was higher in the specialized technical support condition. The nonspecialized technical support condition demonstrated higher fidelity to gPM+ and lower cost of implementation. Other indicators of effectiveness, adoption and implementation were comparable between the two implementation strategies. These results suggest it is feasible to implement mental health interventions, like gPM+, using lower-resource, community-embedded task sharing models, while maintaining safety and fidelity. Further evidence from fully powered trials is needed to make definitive conclusions about the relative cost of these implementation strategies.
The ways in which minority street-level bureaucrats construe their identities as state representatives and as representatives of minority clients are known to inform their discretionary behavior toward clients, thereby shaping policy outcomes. While existing studies have examined race and ethnicity as shared identities between minority bureaucrats and clients, the role of “migrant” identity has been overlooked. Focusing on the so-called European migration crisis of 2015–2017, this study addresses this gap. Drawing on qualitative interviews with migrant bureaucrats, it examines how being simultaneously a migrant and a migration policy implementer shapes bureaucratic discretion. This article introduces the notion of “migrant representative” and identifies four profiles of migrant bureaucrats, each corresponding to different degrees of identification with the local migration management system and the migrant clients. In doing so, it contributes to the literature on representative bureaucracy and the debate on the linkage between passive and active representation.
This article analyses the scholarly results concerning the social phenomenon of intermarriage. It specifically focuses on the similarities and differences in the latter in Europe, between migrants and host society members, and between national minorities and majorities. The study shows that while intermarriage between migrants and host society members is often seen as a vehicle for bridging social gaps and promoting social cohesion, intermarriages between national minorities and majorities is more likely to lead to erosion of minority identities and cultural traits. Common challenges faced by intermarried couples include resistance from family members and bureaucratic obstacles, with gender dynamics playing a crucial role, particularly in traditional societies where women often bear the brunt of cultural assimilation. Intermarriage also promotes the perspective of the integrative nature of nation-states without requiring intervention by the states themselves. The article underscores the importance of deepening the discourse on intermarriage and focusing on the impact of the latter on both migrant and national minority communities through both quantitative analyses and qualitative approaches. This may improve the understanding of the transformative potential and challenges of these unions.
Poland remained a popular destination for migrants from Ukraine for many years before February 24, 2022, the outbreak of full-scale Russian aggression on Ukraine. Ukrainian communities in Polish cities, including local autochthonous Ukrainians (the Ukrainian national minority), are already well-established and well-organized, although they are very diverse. Drawing from anthropological fieldwork conducted in 2021 and at the beginning of 2022, this article seeks to address the nexus of the diaspora and culture and explores the imaginations of “common culture” in diaspora-forming processes. We treat “culture” as diasporic imaginings of naturalized and reified representations of what is to be a Ukrainian in Poland. The essentialized notion of putative “common culture” is routinely discursivized and maintained by diasporic elites. Exploring this as an empirical phenomenon captured in the field helps reveal the internal tensions and that this imagining empowers the production of cultural differences. We argue that imagined “common culture” may actually activate “othering” of the diasporic Other and might not be as unifying a factor in diaspora-forming processes as it appears.
Translingual users recruit diverse linguistic and non-linguistic resources in fluid and playful ways within their daily linguistic and communicative repertoires. In so doing, they are often involved with ‘playful naughtiness’ that is marked by exuberant banter, mockery, jokes, and travesty. Yet this ‘playful naughtiness’ should not necessarily be the main focus of the analysis, as translingual repertoires may also be linked to precarious conditions of life through the multifarious politics of precarious reality. Translingualism can be fundamentally identified through the failing social, political, academic and economic networks that expose language users to varied critically precarious settings. First, translingualism may be linked with precarious working conditions, particularly for south-to-north migrants or international students who are situated in the Anglophone world. Second, in the precarious world of translingualism, one may find a ‘safe space’ with those who share a similar translingual space. The chapter concludes that understanding the social, political, emotional and ideological conditions for translingual precarity, and the effects of these on translingual users’ own subjectivities, social positions, language ideology and policy, is essential.
Migrant mental health is a pressing public health issue with wide-ranging implications. Many randomized controlled trials (RCTs) have been conducted in this population to assess the effects of psychosocial interventions. However, the available evidence is characterized by controversy and fragmentation, with studies focusing on different migrant populations, interventions, outcomes, delivery modalities and settings. Aiming to promote systematic reviews of the effectiveness of psychosocial interventions in different migrant groups, we have developed a living database of existing RCTs. The development of the database provides an opportunity to map the existing RCT evidence in this population. A total of 135 studies involving 24,859 participants were included in the living database. The distribution of studies by year of publication aligns with the increasing global migrant population in recent years. Most studies focus primarily on adult participants, with a limited representation of children and adolescents, and a prevalence of female participants, which is consistent with epidemiological data, except for older adults, who are underrepresented in research. Studies predominantly focus on refugees and asylum seekers, likely due to their elevated risk of mental health issues, despite the substantial presence of economic migrants worldwide. While studies mainly involve migrants from the Middle East and East Asia, epidemiological data suggest a broader geographic representation, with migrants coming from Eastern Europe, Latin America and South Asia. The present descriptive analysis of RCTs on mental health and psychosocial interventions for migrant populations provides valuable insights into the existing research landscape. It should be used to inform future research efforts, ensuring that studies are more representative of the global migrant population and more responsive to the mental health needs of migrants in different contexts.
Precarious working conditions have been a significant global challenge across many countries, and the impact of precarious employment conditions, particularly on low-income refugees, has led to dramatic experiences. Drawing on a qualitative study, this chapter investigates the precarity experiences of Syrian refugees in Turkey. Our exploration which highlights the vulnerable nature of refugees in the work environment also reveals the unwelcoming treatments they face in social life. Our multilevel analyses represent macro-, meso-, and micro-level findings. The macro-level findings point to a lack of migration policy, insufficient level of employment laws and labour unionisation that worsen the precarious conditions. At the meso-level analysis, we found inadequate organisational level interventions by firms such as unethical treatment, intimidation for noticing police and wage theft. Finally, the micro-level results focused on social exclusion. The study contributes to debates on insecurity, inequality, diversity, and human rights in migration studies.
Meta-analysis is used to test a variant of a Developmental Origins of Adult Health and Disease (DOHaD)’s conjecture known as predictive adaptive response (PAR). According to it, individuals who are exposed to mismatches between adverse or constrained in utero conditions, on the one hand, and postnatal obesogenic environments, on the other, are at higher risk of developing adult chronic conditions, including obesity, type 2 diabetes (T2D), hypertension and cardiovascular disease. We argue that migrant populations from low and middle to high-income countries offer a unique opportunity to test the conjecture. A database was constructed from an exhaustive literature search of peer-reviewed papers published prior to May 2021 contained in PUBMED and SCOPUS using keywords related to migrants, DOHaD, and associated health outcomes. Random effects meta-regression models were estimated to assess the magnitude of effects associated with migrant groups on the prevalence rate of T2D and hypertension in adults and overweight/obesity in adults and children. Overall, we used 38 distinct studies and 78 estimates of diabetes, 59 estimates of hypertension, 102 estimates of overweight/obesity in adults, and 23 estimates of overweight/obesity in children. Our results show that adult migrants experience higher prevalence of T2D than populations at destination (PR 1.48; 95% CI 1.35–1.65) and origin (PR 1.80; 95% CI 1.40–2.34). Similarly, there is a significant excess of obesity prevalence in children migrants (PR 1.22; 95% CI 1.04–1.43) but not among adult migrants (PR 0.89; 95% CI 0.80–1.01). Although the total effect of migrant status on prevalence of hypertension is centered on zero, some migrant groups show increased risks. Finally, the size of estimated effects varies significantly by migrant groups according to place of destination. Despite limitations inherent to all meta-analyses and admitting that some of our findings may be accounted for alternative explanations, the present study shows empirical evidence consistent with selected PAR-like conjectures.
This chapter discusses the position (and especially protection) of the individual in international law, whether through human rights law, refugee law, the right to self-determination, or other means
Chapter 4 is an examination of workers’ blame attribution, looking at when workers direct their grievances to the central government vis-`a-vis other actors. It demonstrates that migrant workers’ social grievances about limited upward mobility, income inequality, and unfairness grow as they gain experience as migrants. While atomized protests focus on economic grievances pertaining to a specific job, the empirical analyses of survey data show that social grievances pose a bigger threat to the regime, since they change the direction of blame attribution. Protest participants are less likely to blame the central government than nonparticipants, which could imply that those that blame the central government might not be interested in atomized protests.
Chapter 5 is a study of within-firm mobilization during collective action and explains why those with the resources for mobilization have weaker preferences for collective action. Due to high levels of labor turnover, the majority of the workforce lacks strong social ties in the workplace, and those who do have mobilizational resources perceive collective action to be highly costly. Collective action occurs when the workers with mobilizational resources expect a high chance of success.
This chapter describes the socioeconomic changes in the post-reform era that have contributed to growing labor assertiveness. It contends that the regime’s coercive control of migrant labor in the 1980s and 1990s created the structural conditions for labor assertiveness. As in other authoritarian regimes that faced a similar situation at the critical juncture, such as Brazil, South Africa, and South Korea, China also began to deal with unstable state–labor relations as the era of rapid economic growth comes to an end.
When governments restricted travel and closed borders in efforts to control the COVID-19 pandemic, we had a preview of how the world will most likely respond to intense global heating. Nations in the Minority World will probably erect visible and invisible walls to stop refugees and migrants from the Majority World, who will have been forced to flee their homes because of climate impacts, from entering.
Based on previous qualitative studies, it was hypothesised that dissimilarities in beliefs about illness, which influence healthcare-seeking behaviour, exist between foreign- and native-born persons diagnosed with type 2 diabetes living in Sweden (in the following termed ‘Swedish-born’).
Background:
Beliefs about illness are individual, culturally related, based on knowledge, and guide health-related behaviour, and thus have an impact on health. The question is whether beliefs differ between foreign- and native-born persons diagnosed with type 2 diabetes. No previous comparative studies have been found on this. Based on previous qualitative studies, it was hypothesised that dissimilarities in beliefs about illness, which influence healthcare-seeking behaviour, exist between foreign- and native-born (Swedish) persons diagnosed with type 2 diabetes living in Sweden.
Methods:
Cross-sectional survey, 138 participants, comprising 69 foreign- and 69 Swedish-born persons aged 33–90 vs 48–91 years. Data were analysed with descriptive and analytic statistics.
Findings:
Beliefs about illness differed between foreign- and Swedish-born persons concerning causes of diabetes and healthcare-seeking behaviour. Foreign-born persons more often than Swedish-born persons reported uncertainty or lack of knowledge about whether heredity (67% vs 90%, P = 0.002) and pancreatic disease (40% vs 62%, P = 0.037) could cause diabetes. To a higher extent than Swedish-born persons, they reported that emotional stress and anxiety could cause the disease. Furthermore, they claimed they had sought care due to diabetes during the last 6 months to a higher extent than Swedish-born persons (30% vs 4%, P = 0.000).
The findings confirmed that dissimilarities in beliefs about illness, including the causes of diabetes and healthcare-seeking behaviour, exist between foreign- and Swedish-born persons with type 2 diabetes.
The non-take-up of public services has the potential to undermine civil rights and deepen social inequality. Looking at the case of the Youth Community College Programme in China, an innovation in governance to facilitate community integration of the migrant population by providing free education, this study finds that the targeted disadvantaged groups are systematically excluded due to the disproportionate imposition of various administrative burdens on them. We propose that an interaction mechanism – which we term “selective affinity” – between the policy process and individuals’ human capital leads to this unintended outcome. The study contributes to a deeper understanding of the causal mechanisms underlying vulnerable people's non-take-up of public services, while highlighting an example of dysfunctional state–society interaction and a mechanism for the reproduction of social inequality under authoritarianism in China.
More than three in 10 people living in Jordan are immigrants, with the majority being Palestinian and Syrian refugees, who have a very similar non-communicable diseases (NCDs) profile to the hosting Jordanian community. We conducted a rapid review of the literature of studies, reports, and documents on the evidence of the impact of COVID-19 on vulnerable populations in Jordan with regard to NCD during the first year of the pandemic. COVID-19-related mobility constraints and often lack of awareness of NCDs put additional burden on vulnerable populations like refugees and migrants, in particular on non-registered migrants. COVID-19 pandemic and associated mitigation measures led to disruption in routine health services, significantly impacting people living with NCDs. Ensuring to deliver a people-centered and inclusive approach that works well during COVID-19 is of paramount importance toward Universal Health Coverage (all people have access to the health services they need, when and where they need them, without financial hardship).