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This chapter begins with a discussion of Avishai Margalit’s misrecognition-based theory of political humiliation. For Margalit, humiliation is primarily understood as the culpable denial of self-respect. Margalit notes that political humiliation usually takes one of three forms – removing people from the human community (as when we liken them to animals), the negation of control (as in torture), and ignoring or looking through others. After providing an account of this theory, we argue that Margalit does not sufficiently consider the contagious nature of political humiliation nor the possibility that the feeling might be present even when recognition is offered or, conversely, that we might be humiliated even by those whose recognition we don’t want. We also look at the conceptual differences between humiliation, shame, and embarrassment. We note that despite these clear differences the way these emotions are experienced sometimes feels similar. We conclude the chapter with a discussion of the effect of technology and, in particular, social media on the character of contemporary political humiliations.
I went back to work in the hospital in Edinburgh, as my previous employers could not give me part-time work. Experience as a psychiatric trainee in this hospital was hard. Passed MRCPsych Part 2.
Since the 1990s, Japan has experienced the rise of a phenomenon known as “lonely death” (kodokushi 孤独死): people who die alone and whose death goes unnoticed for a certain period of time. This has triggered public anxiety and moral panic because lonely death is often perceived as a form of “bad death” and a sign of the breakdown of family ties and neighborly relations. In the 2020s, this “feeling rule,” which associates lonely death with shame and fear, has quietly begun to be challenged by a group of post-mortem cleaning workers. By sharing their work experience and feelings through blogs, artworks, and books, the workers’ accounts of how they deal with the remnants of the deceased have turned the public perception of lonely death from an abstract, totalizing, fearful category into an understanding that such incidents have specific causes that can be faced and even prepared for. The cleaners’ emotional labor, especially their mourning for the dead, creates a sense of relatedness to the deceased, a feeling which is conveyed to the public through the cleaners’ narratives. The cleaners thereby change the feeling rules associated with the labor of dealing with the aftermath of a lonely death, turning it from “dirty work” into meaningful social action. This article contributes to an understanding of feeling rules by highlighting how individuals’ efforts, particularly, their reflections on their emotional labor, can change collective feeling rules.
This article analyzes the patriotic turn in Holocaust memory politics, exploring the processes through which the narrative of a morally upright national majority has been pitted against transnational entities such as the European Union. The EU is considered to foster multiculturalism, leading to interpretations of what some perceive as national guilt. The article investigates invocations of shame and pride in Czechia and Slovakia, two countries that are often overlooked in works on Holocaust memory politics yet are symptomatic of larger changes in the region and history appropriation in general. Building on research into emotional communities, it traces how and why political actors across the ideological spectrum have adopted notions of pride to mobilize domestic audiences against “accusations” of local guilt and complicity in the Nazi genocides of Jews and Roma. By doing so, our article demonstrates how Holocaust memory has become entangled with Europeanization and highlights the role of emotions in shaping national identity and belonging.
Around 30% of women worldwide have been subjected to either physical or sexual intimate partner violence (IPV) in their lifetimes. In Europe, one in 20 women over the age of 15 has been raped. Meanwhile gross misogyny and sexual violence against women is becoming more normalised in society. When women have been victims of physical, sexual violence, emotional abuse or coercive control the impact on their mental health can be severe.The sense of shame can be overwhelming. Mental health problems are not an inevitable consequence of IPV but anxiety, depression, post-traumatic stress disorder, psychosis, self-harm, substance misuse and getting a diagnosis of borderline personality disorder (BPD) are all more common. Domestic violence can also result in suicide and is linked to murder-suicide and ‘honour’ killing. However, women who have killed abusive men have been repeatedly denied justice. Mental health services need training about IPV and sexual violence and to make strong links with organisations in the community. Each of us needs to ensure that we would know what we would do to help a friend, family member or colleague who is experiencing domestic violence or sexual assault.
Suicidal ideation arises from a complex interplay of multiple interacting risk factors over time. Recently, ecological momentary assessment (EMA) has increased our understanding of factors associated with real-time suicidal ideation, as well as those predicting ideation at the level of hours and days. Here we used statistical network methods to investigate which cognitive-affective risk and protective factors are associated with the temporal dynamics of suicidal ideation.
Methods
The SAFE study is a longitudinal cohort study of 82 participants with current suicidal ideation who completed 4×/day EMA over 21 days. We modeled contemporaneous (t) and temporal (t + 1) associations of three suicidal ideation components (passive ideation, active ideation, and acquired capability) and their predictors (positive and negative affect, anxiety, hopelessness, loneliness, burdensomeness, and optimism) using multilevel vector auto-regression models.
Results
Contemporaneously, passive suicidal ideation was positively associated with sadness, hopelessness, loneliness, and burdensomeness, and negatively with happiness, calmness, and optimism; active suicidal ideation was positively associated with passive suicidal ideation, sadness, and shame; and acquired capability only with passive and active suicidal ideation. Acquired capability and hopelessness positively predicted passive ideation at t + 1, which in turn predicted active ideation; acquired capability was positively predicted at t + 1 by shame, and negatively by burdensomeness.
Conclusions
Our findings show that systematic real-time associations exist between suicidal ideation and its predictors, and that different factors may uniquely influence distinct components of ideation. These factors may represent important targets for safety planning and risk detection.
Social anxiety and paranoia are connected by a shared suspicion framework. Based on cognitive-behavioural approaches, there is evidence for treating social anxiety and psychosis. However, mechanisms underlying the relationship between social anxiety and paranoia remain unclear.
Aims:
To investigate mediators between social anxiety and paranoia in schizophrenia such as negative social appraisals (i.e. stigma or shame; Hypothesis 1), and safety behaviours (i.e. anxious avoidance or in situ safety behaviours; Hypothesis 2).
Method:
A cross-sectional study was conducted among Asian out-patients with schizophrenia (January–April 2020). Data on social anxiety, paranoia, depression, shame, stigma, anxious avoidance, and in situ behaviours were collected. Associations between social anxiety and paranoia were investigated using linear regressions. Mediation analysis via 10,000 bias-corrected bootstrap samples with 95% confidence intervals (CI) was used to test the indirect effects (ab) of mediators.
Results:
Participants (n=113, 59.3% male) with a mean age of 44.2 years were recruited. A linear relationship between social anxiety and paranoia was found. In multiple mediation analyses (co-varying for depression), stigma and shame (Hypothesis 1) did not show any significant indirect effects with ab=.004 (95%CI=–.013, .031) and –.003 (–.023, .017), respectively, whereas in situ behaviours (Hypothesis 2) showed a significant effect with ab=.110 (.038, .201) through the social anxiety–paranoia relationship.
Conclusions:
Social anxiety and paranoia are positively correlated. In situ safety behaviours fully mediated the social anxiety and paranoia relationship. Targeted interventions focusing on safety behaviours could help reduce paranoia in psychosis. Symptom severity should be measured to help characterise the participants’ characteristics.
Shame is experienced as a threat to social self, and so activates threat-protective responses. There is evidence that shame has trauma-like characteristics, suggesting it can be understood within the same conceptual framework as trauma and dissociation. Evidence for causal links among trauma, dissociation, and psychosis thus warrant the investigation of how shame may influence causal mechanisms for psychosis symptoms.
Methods
This study tested the interaction between dissociation and shame, specifically external shame (feeling shamed by others), in predicting psychotic-like experiences (PLEs) six months later in a general population sample (N = 314). It also tested if social safeness moderates these effects. A longitudinal, online questionnaire design tested a moderation model (dissociation-shame) and a moderated moderation model (adding social safeness), using multiple regressions with bootstrap procedures.
Results
Although there was no direct effect of dissociation on PLEs six months later, there was a significant interaction effect with shame, controlling for PLEs at baseline. There were complex patterns in the directions of effects: For high-shame-scorers, higher dissociation predicted higher PLE scores, but for low-shame-scorers, higher dissociation predicted lower PLE scores. Social safeness was found to significantly moderate these interaction effects, which were unexpectedly more pronounced in the context of higher social safeness.
Conclusions
The results demonstrate evidence for an interaction between dissociation and shame on its impact on PLEs, which manifests particularly for those experiencing higher social safeness. This suggests a potential role of social mechanisms in both the etiology and treatment of psychosis, which warrants further testing in clinical populations.
This paper reflects on the national referendum for an Indigenous Voice to Parliament that took place in Australia in mid-October 2023. At the time of writing, the aftershocks from the failure of the referendum to gain the necessary majorities were still being felt keenly by many of the Voice advocates and supporters. The hurt and grief of many First Nations people were shared by millions of non-Indigenous “Yes” voters, while much reckoning continued in the subsequent weeks and months. The author here explores what might have been gained if more attention had been given to what an Indigenous Voice to Parliament might “sound like,” instead of the excessive focus on, and public discourse around what it might “look like.” Resources from the philosophies and physiology of voice, communication ethics, cultural studies, critical anthropology, Australian Indigenous writing and scholarship, and psychoanalytic politics are utilised to explore the connections between the human voice, vocal expression, hearing and listening, silence and song.
There is a strong link between our capacity to cope with negative emotional states and their associated negative thoughts and substance use relapse. When individuals use substances as a coping mechanism this strategy may be effective in the short term and but proves maladaptive in the long run. The use of drugs provides both negative reinforcement (namely, the reduction of painful feelings via self-medication), and positive reinforcement (that is, the pleasant experience of being high via positive outcome expectancies). The self-medication hypothesis applies when the individual is using a substance to cope with negative emotions, conflict, or stress (negative reinforcement). From a positive outcome expectancy perspective, the person is focusing on the positive aspects and euphoria of using a substance (positive reinforcement), while ignoring the negative consequences. Therefore, an essential component of recovery is learning healthy ways to self-soothe and cope with stress and painful emotions, and the negative thoughts and rumination associated with them. Without healthy coping skills, a key component of recovery capital, individuals in recovery will continue to seek dysfunctional ways to self-regulate. In this chapter the reader is introduced to one of the causes behind negative rumination and over-compensatory behaviour that accompanies it, which perpetuates the cycle of addiction.
In this chapter the workbook’s previous chapters are integrated into an explanation of the dynamics that underlie the cycle of addiction. It highlights that when the I-System becomes hyperactive, individuals forfeit their innate capabilities for creative thought, open-mindedness, and resilience, exhibiting instead overly stringent expectations or assumptions about themselves, others, and circumstances. By presenting examples of thought patterns that obstruct resilience, the authors demystify the nature of problematic and unrealistic “I-System Requirements” or “the shoulds” in life that often breed frustration, physical tension, shame, or withdrawal. The reader is then guided on how to neutralize these negative thoughts or what the authors term the Depressor Storyline. They describe a self-perpetuating cycle often created between a Depressor Storyline and the Fixer Storyline, which involves the Depressor generating negative thoughts that snowball into a Storyline, while the Fixer incessantly devises stories on how to rectify self, others, or circumstances. The objective is to find means to deactivate the hyperactive I-System Requirements, which is crucial to freeing individuals from restrictive and repetitive patterns to attain a state of Natural Functioning.
The feeling of shame (aischunē) is a dramatic key of the Gorgias, notably revealed by Callicles, who accuses both the master of rhetoric Gorgias and Polus of surrendering to Socrates’ refutation out of shame, before yielding himself to the feeling he declared himself immune to. But shame is not only a literary pattern in the dialogue: its function is closely connected to the kind of refutation of each interlocutor. It can be minimally said that shame is a natural effect of refutation, and optimally that it is an essential lever for Socrates to make his interlocutors acknowledge their deep moral commitments. This chapter aims at distinguishing several levels, rather than kinds, of shame among the interlocutors of the Gorgias: shame as sensitivity to others’ opinion, shame as an indication of the beliefs and values we are committed to, and shame as a potential step towards a better understanding of the real good. Though these levels sometimes overlap in the narrative, such distinctions may aid in understanding the role of shame for each interlocutor. Shame remains, for Plato, an ambiguous emotion, which must be used in a certain way to perform purification of wrong opinions.
This paper describes the creation of a tool named Shame Cues, a card deck consisting of 64 cards describing sociocultural concepts related to shame. The tool arose as an experiment to articulate an entanglement of diverse shame discourses into something relevant for designers. Building on the experience of using Shame Cues, the paper discusses how Shame Cues can support exploring the role of shame as given implicitly, through cultural manifestations, and in a practical sense, and how such an investigative lens can inform designers with more critical perspectives.
This article sheds light on the significant yet nuanced roles of shame and guilt in influencing moral behaviour, a phenomenon that became particularly prominent during the COVID-19 pandemic with the community’s heightened desire to be seen as moral. These emotions are central to human interactions, and the question of how they are conveyed linguistically is a vast and important one. Our study contributes to this area by analysing the discourses around shame and guilt in English and Japanese online forums, focusing on the terms shame, guilt, haji (‘shame’) and zaiakukan (‘guilt’). We utilise a mix of corpus-based methods and natural language processing tools, including word embeddings, to examine the contexts of these emotion terms and identify semantically similar expressions. Our findings indicate both overlaps and distinct differences in the semantic landscapes of shame and guilt within and across the two languages, highlighting nuanced ways in which these emotions are expressed and distinguished. This investigation provides insights into the complex dynamics between emotion words and the internal states they denote, suggesting avenues for further research in this linguistically rich area.
This Element turns to the stage to ask a simple question about gender and affect: what causes the shame of the early modern rape victim? Beneath honour codes and problematic assumptions about consent, the answer lies in affect, disgust. It explores both the textual "performance" of affect, how literary language works to evoke emotions and the ways disgust can work in theatrical performance. Here Shakespeare's poem The Rape of Lucrece is the classic paradigm of sexual pollution and shame, where disgust's irrational logic of contamination leaves the raped wife in a permanent state of uncleanness that spreads from body to soul. Staging Disgust offers alternatives to this depressing trajectory: Middleton's Women Beware Women and Shakespeare's Titus Andronicus perform disgust with a difference, deploying the audience's revulsion to challenge the assumption that a raped woman should “naturally” feel intolerable shame.
Trauma-related shame and guilt have been identified as important factors for mental health following interpersonal trauma. For survivors of terror and disasters, however, the role of shame and guilt remains largely unknown.
Aims
To explore the long-term occurrence of trauma-related shame and guilt among survivors of a terror attack, and the potential importance of these emotions for mental health.
Method
A total of 347 survivors (48.7% female, mean age at the time of the attack: 19.25 years, s.d. = 4.40) of the 2011 massacre on Utøya island, Norway, participated in face-to-face, semi-structured interviews. Trauma-related shame and guilt were measured with items from the Shame and Guilt After Trauma Scale at 2.5 and 8.5 years post-terror attack. Post-traumatic reactions and anxiety/depression at 8.5 years post-terror attack were measured with the University of California at Los Angeles PTSD Reaction Index and the Hopkins Symptom Checklist-25, respectively. Associations between trauma-related shame/guilt and post-trauma psychopathology were analysed by multiple linear regressions.
Results
Trauma-related shame and guilt were prevalent among survivors at both 2.5 and 8.5 years post-terror attack. In unadjusted analyses, shame and guilt, at both time points, were significantly associated with post-traumatic stress reactions and anxiety/depression. Shame remained significantly associated with mental health when adjusted for guilt. Both earlier and current shame were uniquely related to mental health.
Conclusions
Trauma-related shame and guilt may be prevalent in survivors of mass trauma several years after the event. Shame, in particular, may play an important role for long-term mental health. Clinicians may find it helpful to explicitly address shame in treatment of mass trauma survivors.
Calabrian ‘illegitimacy’ in the (inter)national imaginary today is largely the result of the region's association with the ’ndrangheta. Using analysis of oral history interviews, this research examines how this ‘illegitimacy’ influences the self-perception of Calabrians. It argues that a spectrum of prejudice and its effects can be mapped out both metaphorically and geographically. This spectrum incorporates Italy's position in relation to northern Europe, the South's position within Italy, Calabria's position within the South and the position within Calabria of certain communities. A number of towns in the Locride are at the extreme end of this spectrum: Locri, San Luca, Africo and Platì. Analysis of the (mis)recognition of inhabitants of these communities, including by other Calabrians, demonstrates how the experience of shame may be layered. This paper also considers how interviewees appear to deny their social and cultural proximity with the ’ndrangheta and the role this plays in a self-perpetuating cycle involving stereotypes, ’ndrangheta growth and extreme socioeconomic conditions.
This chapter focuses on Sappho fr. 1V and argues that as an attentive reader of the Iliad – and of the shame and humiliation experienced by its female characters, both divine and mortal – Sappho, rather than attempting to outdo Homer, or to contest his canonicity, amplifies and recasts “minor” episodes from Homeric epic. Her approach is neither overtly competitive with, nor subservient to, the older poet in that she does not aim to recreate the contours and feel of the original. Instead, in a manner designed to make visible what epic suppresses, she returns us to some of the Iliad’s marginal and dismissed characters, showing us the generative potential of painful experiences, such as Aphrodite’s defeat in Iliad 5 at the hands of Diomedes, and her feelings of shame as she is rebuked by the mortal warrior and demeaned by her father, Zeus. The consolation of her mother, Dione’s, reparative embrace anticipates the similar sort of “repair” Sappho herself, as named speaker of her “Ode to Aphrodite” finds in that poem’s evocation of Aphrodite.
Together with Chapter 1, this chapter helps contextualize the closer readings and case studies that follow by providing an introduction to reparative reading and the cultures of critique (and post-critique) within which it emerged over the past several decades. It also discusses some of the key features of Sedgwick’s development of reparative reading, including shame, materiality, queer futures, and the oscillation between paranoid and reparative positions.
Charles S. Mansueto, Behavior Therapy Center of Greater Washington, Maryland,Suzanne Mouton-Odum, Psychology Houston, PC - The Center for Cognitive Behavioral Treatment, Texas,Ruth Goldfinger Golomb, Behavior Therapy Center of Greater Washington, Maryland
Detailed description of ComB treatment begins in this chapter. The importance of establishing a strong therapist/client relationship is emphasized as a basis for productive, targeted treatment for the BFRB, but also for its potential impact on common, secondary issues such as shame, interpersonal problems, and diminished self-confidence. Specific recommendations and examples are provided for maximizing effective communication with the client about basic information about BFRBs, their treatment, and addressing common obstacles that may impede effective treatment, such as unrealistic expectations for treatment, ambivalence about recovery, perfectionism, frustration, and low motivation for treatment. Also presented are recommended approaches for introducing the five categories of variables relevant to Comb conceptualization and treatment (sensory, cognitive, affective, motor, and place – the anagram “SCAMP” is suggested as a memory facilitator). The remainder of the chapter describes the five phases of ComB treatment that are detailed in later chapters.