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Amazon parrots stand out as one of the most illegally traded Psittacids in the neotropics. However, the lack of effective tools for determining the geographical origin of confiscated individuals has impeded the development of well-informed release programmes. In this study, we evaluated the efficacy of the cytochrome oxidase subunit I (COI) gene to identify phylogeographical groups and infer the origins of seized individuals across six Amazon parrot species. Through comprehensive genetic and phylogenetic analyses of 140 COI sequences from individuals with documented geographical origin, a genetic reference database was assembled. The most likely origin of 156 seized parrots was inferred by comparing their genotype to this database. Within the Yellow-headed Parrot Amazona ochrocephala species complex, our analyses revealed the presence of seven distinct phylogeographical groups, exposing a notable poaching impact in the Middle Magdalena’s river valley. For the Southern Mealy Amazon A. farinosa, three distinct genetic groups were identified, with seized individuals showing comparable proportions originating from both the Cis- and Trans-Andean regions. Noteworthy genetic differentiation was observed between individuals of Festive Amazon A. festiva from the Caquetá–Amazon Rivers and those from the Meta River, with two seized individuals assigned to the former. The Scaly-naped Amazon A. mercenaria exhibited genetic divergence between individuals from the central Andes and the Sierra Nevada de Santa Marta. In contrast, the Orange-winged Amazon A. amazonica and Red-lored Amazon A. autumnalis did not display significant phylogeographical structure. However, analyses of seized individuals of A. amazonica suggested a potential underestimation of its genetic diversity and structure. This study illustrates the utility of mitochondrial molecular markers in determining the most probable area of origin for confiscated Amazon parrots, aiding in release programmes and enhancing the monitoring of natural populations.
Plebeian Consumers is both a global and local study. It tells the story of how peasants, day workers, formerly enslaved people, and small landholders became the largest consumers of foreign commodities in nineteenth-century Colombia, and dynamic participants of an increasingly interconnected world. By studying how plebeian consumers altered global processes from below, Ana María Otero-Cleves challenges ongoing stereotypes about Latin America's peripheral role in the world economy through the nineteenth century, and its undisputed dependency on the Global North. By exploring Colombians' everyday practices of consumption, Otero-Cleves also invites historians to pay close attention to the intimate relationship between the political world and the economic world in nineteenth-century Latin America. She also sheds light on new methodologies and approaches for studying the material world of men and women who left little record of their own experiences.
The ICD-11 introduced a new diagnosis of complex post-traumatic stress disorder (CPTSD) defined by disturbances in self-organisation in addition to traditional post-traumatic stress disorder symptoms. The International Trauma Questionnaire (ITQ) is the established measure of this construct and has been validated for use in a variety of populations and languages; however, evidence for the measure's use in Latin America is limited.
Aims
This study sought to validate the factor structure of the Latin American Spanish version of the ITQ in a trauma-exposed sample in Colombia.
Method
Confirmatory factor analysis was used to assess a range of factor models validated previously, including first- and second-order factor models.
Results
Assessment of fit indices demonstrated that a correlated six-factor model comprised of re-experiencing, avoidance, sense of threat, affect dysregulation, negative self-concept and disturbed relationships provided the best fit for these data. Factor loadings for this model were found to be high and statistically significant.
Conclusion
Results concur with prior research validating the use of alternative language versions of the ITQ internationally, and with the theoretical underpinnings of the CPTSD diagnostic category. The ITQ is therefore a valid measure of CPTSD in this Latin American sample. Further validation research is needed in clinical populations in this region.
The conclusion reflects on the profound transformations undergone by the New Kingdom of Granada by the late seventeenth century, and how this began to powerfully shape the images of the early colonial past that began to appear in works of historical writing in that period, with long-lasting consequences. This triumphal register of writing, that cast the Muisca as the third great empire of the Americas and asserted the swift success of the Spanish colonial administration, has long obscured perceptions about the Indigenous people of highland New Granada. As this book has demonstrated, a granular exploration of an exhaustive array of colonial archival sources paints a very different picture: on the one hand, of the anxieties and limitations at the heart of the colonial project, the incomplete and contingent nature of colonial power, and of deep and multi-layered crises of governance; and on the other, of the complex ways in which Indigenous people, in their interaction with Christianity, made possible the coming of the New Kingdom of Granada.
This chapter analyzes recent conservative efforts to build parties in Latin America. Its main case study is Argentina’s Republican Proposal (PRO) party, one of the most important examples of conservative party-building in Latin America. This chapter explains the success of right-wing parties born in nonauthoritarian contexts through the strategic decisions of leaders about whether to invest in high-cost resources (ideational and organizational) that will allow parties to take root in inhospitable contexts. This chapter demonstrates that the competitiveness of right-wing parties has been driven by three factors: programmatic innovation by personalistic leaders; organizational mobilization of both core and noncore constituencies; and an elite fear of the "Venezuela model."
This chapter presents an analysis of the distinctive features of constitutional transitions that took place in Eastern Europe, Latin America and parts of Africa, gaining impetus in the 1980s. It explains that these transitions were historically unique as they marked the first moment in which many states converted to constitutional democracy without general experience of warfare. However, it shows how security policies framed the transitions, especially in Europe. It also examines how in Latin America new constitutions were again stabilized using elements of international law. It contains a case study of Colombia to illustrate this.
This chapter explains the performance of the Centro Democrático in Colombia and its concurrent success at the national level and underachievement at the subnational level. It argues that this disparity is linked to two interrelated variables: the security cleavage along which the Centro Democrático has developed its partisan identity, and the party’s weak subnational partisan structures. Security issues mobilize voters on the national level, but are too broad to be relevant in local elections.
This chapter examines the emergence of constitutional law in South America, showing how military politics in the Spanish and Portuguese empires had enduring impact on the formation of citizenship regimes in this region. It focuses on Brazil and Colombia as two divergent but also overlapping models of militarized constitutionalism. It assesses how both states acquired military and semi-imperialist features as their independence was consolidated. It also discusses how national processes of integration and citizenship formation were conducted by armies, such that, in Brazil in particular, the army was an early trier of democratic institution building.
The introduction reflects on the peculiar position of the New Kingdom of Granada, and the nature of colonial and scholarly writing about the region, which both developed under the shadow of the centres of Spanish colonial power in America, Mexico and Peru, showing how the expectations, assumptions, and perspectives of better studied regions have distorted our understanding of this region’s history. It outlines the book’s principal methodological arguments: the importance of an exhaustive and granular approach to colonial sources that takes into account the intellectual, institutional, and normative circumstances of their creation and transmission as a methodological imperative; the need to centre Christianisation, and the relentless challenges it posed, to understand the construction of colonial rule in the New Kingdom; and the need to overcome antiquated and counterproductive approaches to the study of religious change among Indigenous people, and instead focus on their diverse, contradictory, and complex interactions with Christianity.
How can societies effectively reduce crime without exacerbating adversarial relationships between the police and citizens? In recent decades, perhaps the most celebrated innovation in police reform has been the introduction of community policing, where citizens are involved in building channels of dialogue and improving police-citizen collaboration. Despite the widespread adoption of community policing in the United States and increasingly in the developing world, there is still limited credible evidence about whether it realistically increases trust in the police or reduces crime. Through simultaneously coordinated field experiments in a diversity of political contexts, this book presents the outcome of a major research initiative into the efficacy of community policing. Scholars from around the world uncover whether, and under what conditions, this highly influential strategy for tackling crime and insecurity is effective. With its highly innovative approach to cumulative learning, this project represents a new frontier in the study of police reform.
Between the early 1990s and the mid-2010s, citizen security in Medellín dramatically improved and police violence declined. But residents’ trust in police stagnated. We evaluate a police-led effort to build trust through town-hall-style police–community meetings. In 174 treated neighborhoods – but not in 173 control neighborhoods – the police held more than 500 such meetings over a period of nine months. We find that the meetings induced small positive changes in perceptions of the police, though they did not alter trust in police per se – or crime reporting behavior, much less crime itself. We interpret these findings as evidence that voluntary informal contact between residents and police officers is a weak but not irrelevant policy for reshaping police–community relations.
The Coming of the Kingdom explores the experiences of the Indigenous Muisca peoples of the New Kingdom of Granada (Colombia) during the first century of Spanish colonial rule. Focusing on colonialism, religious reform, law, language, and historical writing, Juan F. Cobo Betancourt examines the introduction and development of Christianity among the Muisca, who from the 1530s found themselves at the center of the invaders' efforts to transform them into tribute-paying Catholic subjects of the Spanish crown. The book illustrates how successive generations of missionaries and administrators approached the task of drawing the Muisca peoples to Catholicism at a time when it was undergoing profound changes, and how successive generations of the Muisca interacted with the practices and ideas that the invaders attempted to impose, variously rejecting or adopting them, transforming and translating them, and ultimately making them their own. This title is also available as Open Access on Cambridge Core.
This chapter delves into evolving policy and regulatory dimensions shaping the emergence of hydrogen in the Latin American energy landscape. With a focus on three regional leaders – Chile, Colombia and Brazil – it explores the distinct strategic paths these countries are charting as they seek to position themselves in the burgeoning hydrogen economy. Chile, Colombia and Brazil, aiming to capitalize on their abundant (renewable) resources, have moved swiftly to outline ambitious hydrogen strategies and legislation. Despite this progress, as the chapter reveals, important regulatory challenges still limit their ability to fully tap the hydrogen well. Even as these obstacles persist, interest in hydrogen projects continues to soar, as exemplified by the numerous developed or in-development pilot projects pragmatically leveraging the existing frameworks. Ultimately, while clean hydrogen promises to usher in an era of sustainable development for Latin America, regulatory efforts matching policy ambitions will continue to be needed to successfully transition from promise to actual production.
Radical democracy informs contemporary social movements both as critique of existing liberal democratic social orders and as inspiration for collective action to challenge power structures. However, existing approaches on the relationship between radical democracy and social movements often truncate complex socio-political issues, constraining political imagination and stifling 'truly radical' alternatives. This Element offers an analysis of contemporary social movements in Colombia and Turkey to show the limits and potential of radical democracy to reimagine new expressions of citizenship and non-capitalist alternatives. It argues that there is a mismatch between the radical democratic paradigm as it is formulated within Eurocentric purview, and the ways it has been articulated and practised by anti-austerity and pro-democracy movements of the twenty-first century. We propose that radical democracy should be rethought in light of novel forms of political activism and visions emerging from these social movements as a response to the failures of liberal democracy.
The International Center for Tropical Agriculture (CIAT) exists as a lonely island in a sea of corporate sugarcane. Standing at the gates of CIAT outside Palmira, Colombia, one absorbs the contrast between the research orientation of the CGIAR’s global food system model and the reality of corporate monoculture. This chapter situates CIAT’s history globally and locally. It introduces Colombian precursors, the Rockefeller Foundation’s Colombian Agricultural Program (1950–64), and the pivot to globally oriented international agricultural research centres in the 1960s. It contextualizes how CIAT came into existence amid broader Cold War and Green Revolution transitions. Just as scholars of the Colombian conflict have examined the effect of “deterritorialization” in the intensification of conflict, the chapter shows how the CGIAR network further internationalized and detached agricultural science from local contexts and applications. Paradoxically, despite the Green Revolution’s well-known Cold War geopolitical aspects, the creation of CIAT and CGIAR inadvertently contributed to the specific geographic, political, and economic conditions that fed armed conflict in Colombia.
Migrants and refugees face elevated risks for mental health problems but have limited access to services. This study compared two strategies for training and supervising nonspecialists to deliver a scalable psychological intervention, Group Problem Management Plus (gPM+), in northern Colombia. Adult women who reported elevated psychological distress and functional impairment were randomized to receive gPM+ delivered by nonspecialists who received training and supervision by: 1) a psychologist (specialized technical support); or 2) a nonspecialist who had been trained as a trainer/supervisor (nonspecialized technical support). We examined effectiveness and implementation outcomes using a mixed-methods approach. Thirteen nonspecialists were trained as gPM+ facilitators and three were trained-as-trainers. We enrolled 128 women to participate in gPM+ across the two conditions. Intervention attendance was higher in the specialized technical support condition. The nonspecialized technical support condition demonstrated higher fidelity to gPM+ and lower cost of implementation. Other indicators of effectiveness, adoption and implementation were comparable between the two implementation strategies. These results suggest it is feasible to implement mental health interventions, like gPM+, using lower-resource, community-embedded task sharing models, while maintaining safety and fidelity. Further evidence from fully powered trials is needed to make definitive conclusions about the relative cost of these implementation strategies.
Obesity rates in Colombia are increasing, with variations among racial and ethnic groups. Studies on adult obesity often address socio-economic status, gender, and education but neglect racial-ethnic influences, notably in areas like Quibdó. Therefore, based on the theory of triadic influence, we conducted a qualitative study to identify biobehavioural, social, and cultural phenomena that, from the perspectives of the participants, influence the onset of obesity in Afro-Colombian and indigenous in Quibdó in 2022. The stratification variables were race, ethnicity (Afro-Colombian and Indigenous), and educational level (secondary or higher). Based on a literature review of qualitative studies that commonly explored food culture, nutritional status, and physical activity in analysing obesity within racial and ethnic populations, we incorporated these categories into our research methodology through semi-structured interviews. A framework analysis was used as a qualitative methodology to organise and analyse the collected data. We conducted 21 semi-structured interviews, 13 with the Afro-Colombian population and eight with indigenous inhabitants. The results indicate that cultural beliefs, forced displacement/migration, and alterations in public order have resulted in changes in food security, food culture, and physical activity practices, affecting the onset of obesity. Notably, distinctions in cultural beliefs regarding food culture and health as factors influencing obesity were observed between Afro-Colombians and the Indigenous populations; however, educational differences within the same racial ethnic group were not predominant. Findings indicate obesity is influenced by cultural, social, and biobehavioural factors, especially in regions with racial-ethnic communities facing complex conditions, necessitating targeted racial-ethnic public health policies.
Bearing in mind that the peace process between the Colombian government and the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia – People's Army (Fuerzas Armadas Revolucionarias de Colombia – Ejército del Pueblo, FARC-EP) has been an important milestone for transitional justice, this article aims to share some of the good practices and achievements of this process, as well as the setbacks and challenges that could be avoided in future peace processes. The article will highlight relevant contributions from the Chamber for Amnesty or Pardon (CAP) such as impacting the resocialization of former FARC-EP members and developing international humanitarian law discussions in relation to war crimes and less serious crimes. Additionally, it will describe some of the main challenges faced by the CAP, such as the high number of applications for transitional benefits that it receives, the high number of proceedings that it supervises, and the security concerns arising from implementing a peace agreement in a country still in conflict.
The study of party systems tends to focus on individual parties and overlooks factions and other sub-party units. Although the impact of the district magnitude on the number of electoral parties is well established, the electoral rules incentives on party subunits have been overlooked. Using electoral results at the district level, we assess the effect of the district magnitude on the effective number of parties and effective number of factions competing in elections and with legislative seats in Colombia (1958–1990). By focusing on parties and factions, we produce empirical evidence from 444 datapoints to support the claim made elsewhere that roots of multi-partism were present throughout the period studied, including under the National Front (1958–1970), where only two parties were permitted. The district magnitude impacts the number of parties and the number of party subunits, but its effect is stronger on the former. When the National Front came to an end and electoral rules were modified in the 1970s, there was an increase in party factionalism and new parties in the years before multiparty system rules were enshrined in the 1991 constitution.
This article explores the financial and geopolitical networks behind the independence of Gran Colombia. It shows that the failure to obtain official British government support for independence was compensated for by the development of a network of private individuals and partnerships that supplied large quantities of arms, equipment and men. A Colombian government document granting ‘Powers’ to London intermediaries was crucial to the construction of this network. We analyse who the key players were and how the network operated. By exploring the decisions and actions of merchants through the lens of risk, trust, credit and networks, we provide a fresh insight into the wider process of independence in Gran Colombia.