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Legal status is an important social determinant of health. Immigration enforcement policies may be an important contributor to health disparities in the form of interior border checkpoints (IBCs). These checkpoints may prevent immigrants and their families from seeking needed medical care. Currently, we do not know how these barriers are perceived by the public. We administered a survey of 6,178 respondents from 13 November to 19 November of 2023 that contained a survey experiment to assess public attitudes on the issue. Respondents were generally not supportive of detaining individuals at IBCs or medical facilities for emergencies regardless of characteristics of the care-seeking individual. A majority was supportive of detention when medical treatment was complete. Respondents were generally more sympathetic towards children and pregnant women. Partisanship and sympathy expressed towards immigrants influenced attitudes towards detention. Findings based on race and ethnicity showed inconsistencies. A majority of Americans did not believe that IBCs should impede undocumented immigrants from accessing medical care, especially in emergency situations and for children and pregnant women. Our findings indicate that there is broad public support for expanding existing policies to allow for undocumented individuals to pass through IBCs to access medical care.
The rise of UKIP began in the 1990s under the leadership of Nigel Farage, another admirer of Powell. From the 1990s on, prominent Conservative Party figures spoke against what they regarded as the foreignization of Britain, sometimes overtly sometimes by insinuation. The latter approach was continued in the malevolent poster slogans of the Conservative campaign during the 2005 general election. After the Conservatives gained power, this activity continued in the even more aggressive ‘hostile environment’ campaign. By the time of the 2016 referendum, anti-immigrant sentiment was mobilised in various ways that included hints and allusions, the citing of misleading statistics, emotive metaphor and barefaced reiteration of untruths. The most blatant example was the pro-Leavers’ assertions that Turkey was about to join the EU, contrary to the well-known fact that Turkey’s application was indefinitely stalled because of its human rights record. In Brexit propaganda, the danger of Turkish accession was tacitly racist, and represented in terms of an ‘invasion’ of the British Isles. The workings of these various types of truth-twisting are examined in depth in this chapter.
The social and political contexts in many countries are affected by dangerous trends and forces of populism. Populist hostility is most observable in connection with issues of immigration, where it functions as a pretext for scrapping legal protections in increasingly hostile immigration laws. What is particularly insidious about these developments is the claim, articulated by some theorists, that the popular resentment and backlash against immigrants and refugees are justified. That populists are hostile towards immigrants and human rights laws, the claim seems to go, is the fault of the legal norms and institutions that allow in the immigrants and protect them. This article challenges those approaches and argues that legal constraints on popular biases towards immigrants are necessary and need to be defended against popular moralism. It is also argued that although community values are important, they should not be considered as trumps against the rights of immigrants and refugees.
This Article examines the criminal law defense of provocation in the U.S., which employs an objective reasonable person standard, as applied to recent Asian immigrants. It discusses approaches taken in other countries and describes the cultural defense. The Article concludes with different possibilities for a hypothetical Asian defendant who was provoked: Improving education about U.S. laws as a preventative measure, using expert cultural witnesses at trial, and taking the defendant’s characteristics into consideration during the sentencing stage.
This chapter focuses on social individual differences in relation to second language learning. It explores how the social, cultural, and political context that a learner is situated in affects their success of second language learning. The chapter begins by explaining how society and social interaction that second language learners encounter influence the access they have to second language education. This includes the differences between foreign vs. second language learning contexts. It then focuses on social identity theory, acculturation theory relevant to immigrant learners, and transdisciplinary framework (by Douglas Fir Group). The chapter covers other socially constructed individual differences related to intersectionality, diversity–equity–inclusion (DEI), and heritage language learning. The chapter also addresses socially constructed biases related to race and ethnicity, social class, sexual orientation, and LGBTQ+. The chapter ends with a series of pedagogical recommendations that mitigate the impacts of socially constructed biases on second language learning in the classroom.
First-generation immigrants and refugees (newcomers hereafter) enroll in college at high rates often motivated by high aspirations and optimistic views about the potential for education to stimulate social mobility in the United States. In their pursuits, however, newcomers face many obstacles to completing their degree. This chapter draws on Bourdieu’s theory of cultural capital to explore the postsecondary aspirations and experiences of eighteen current and recently graduated newcomer college students. Through in-depth interviews, participants documented the challenges they faced during their transition to college. This chapter draws attention to the social and structural challenges facing newcomers as they transition to college as well as the resources on which they may draw in their educational pursuits. For instance, while participants demonstrated fortitude and determination to succeed in college, many also expressed concerns that they would not be able to fulfill their career goals and high aspirations. The findings offered in this chapter have practical implications for educators and policymakers seeking to improve the completion rates of newcomer college students.
Immigrant college students represent a diverse population across the United States. In this chapter, Michelle Leao and Stephen John Quaye engage in a quest to use our own immigrant stories to enrich the larger narrative of immigrant college students in the United States. We utilized a duoethnography to capture our higher education experiences through our undergraduate and graduate experiences. From our conversations, we focus on four themes: studying people around us, assimilating and fitting in, using our accent and language, and developing our immigrant identities. With those themes in mind, we close by offering recommendations for policy and practice to support immigrant college students.
This study was conducted to evaluate the autism knowledge level and awareness of individuals over the age of 18 who applied to immigrant health centers in Istanbul, Gaziantep and Kilis, where the Syrian immigrant population is dense. This cross-sectional study was conducted between December 2022 and April 2023 in 896 immigrants. The sample of the research consists of immigrants residing in Türkiye and who applied to the immigrant health centers in Istanbul, Gaziantep and Kilis for any reason at the time of the research. A questionnaire consisting of three parts was applied to the immigrant people face-to-face. While 38.4% of the participants were female, 61.6% were male. The mean age of the participants is 34.63 ± 10.74. It was determined that people’s place of residence, whether they have children, marital status and income status have significant effects on autism knowledge levels (p < 0.001). Since the importance of early diagnosis in autism is known, it is of great importance for people to have knowledge and awareness on this issue. This study will investigate the awareness of the immigrant population, who are faced with traumatic events such as war and migration, and will shed light on future intervention studies.
With the introduction of wine to the Cape Colony, it became associated locally with social extremes: with the material trappings of privilege and taste, on the one side, and the stark realities of human bondage, on the other. By examining the history of Cape wine, Paul Nugent offers a detailed history of how, in South Africa, race has shaped patterns of consumption. The book takes us through the Liquor Act of 1928, which restricted access along racial lines, intervention to address overproduction from the 1960s, and then latterly, in the wake of the fall of the Apartheid regime, deregulation in the 1990s and South Africa's re-entry into global markets. We see how the industry struggled to embrace Black Economic Empowerment, environmental diversity and the consumer market. This book is an essential read for those interested in the history of wine, and how it intersects with both South African and global history.
The new federal Pregnant Workers Fairness Act advances important protections for pregnant workers, but leaves behind agricultural workers, who are overrepresented in hazardous occupational environments. This article highlights the connection between workplace pregnancy discrimination and health inequities. It concludes with a discussion of immigrant-led advocacy efforts to eliminate health inequities and advance health justice.
The eight chapters in Part II focus on the most sedentary portion of Ilf and Petrov’s journey, the month they spent in and around New York City in fall 1935 hobnobbing with literary celebrities and immersing themselves in American popular culture. Investigating Ilf and Petrov’s encounters with renowned American artists and authors offers a way of tracing the transnational networks that connected Soviet and American cultural producers. How and what did they learn from each other? Where and why did they fail to understand one another? The role of immigrants in these networks looms large and allows consideration of how Soviet art and Russian artists become “American.” How did Ilf and Petrov make Soviet sense of American culture and American consumption?
The meteoric growth of the platform economy, its economic underpinnings as well as the accompanying human practices, have provoked academic debates as well as shone a light on its praxis. In this gig economy, the conditions of work have significantly changed from what used to be relatively stable markets, moored self- and work identities, with predictable technological cycles, established jobs in which individuals were ‘tied’ into roles and their organisations-of-employ, sufficient income during work and non-work periods, and with substantive protections through employment rights and social protection – also known as the standard employment relationship (SER). The gig economy has introduced efficiencies in engaging customer segments and supply chains, however its non-standard forms of employment (NSFE) which includes part-time, temporary, and zero-hour contracts and dependent self-employment, has brought with it: low pay, insufficient and variable hours, short-term contracts, and limited social protection rights (Rubery, Grimshaw, Keizer & Johnson, ). The majority of employees, migrants and foreigners, remain dependent on in-country structures to grant them SER rights – in many countries, though, they do not have the power to engage with those structures and no way to build on and improve their rights. The emerging story of the gig economy divides scholars, particularly in relation to the distribution of the economic and social benefits of this ‘new economy’, as well as international relations (IR) scholars in that race and indigeneity, and its intersections, have been missing in many of the debates. The challenge remains to upend the coloniality and neoliberal nature of work, and create a more democratic and inclusive labour market, in which more of the economic benefits are fairly distributed among those who participate in the gig economy and not just for indigenous citizens exclusively.
Faced with rising levels of cross-border migration, many countries have extended local voting rights to non-citizen residents. However, empirical evidence indicates that voter turnout among non-naturalized immigrants is lower when compared to citizens. This raises the question of how to explain this difference. A common answer is that the low turnout rates of non-citizen residents are primarily due to the socio-economic composition of this group and the challenges involved in adapting to a new political system. An alternative but less discussed possibility is that the low turnout concerns the nature of the elections. Hence, we examine whether the turnout of non-citizens is hampered because they are only allowed to partake in local elections. Based on a regression discontinuity design (RDD) using Swedish administrative data, we find that turnout could increase by 10–20 percentage points if the voting rights of non-citizens were extended to the national level.
Subjective cognitive decline (SCD) and how much cognitive decline impacts one’s ability to perform instrumental activities of daily living (iADLs) are necessary elements of neuropsychological assessment when diagnosing mild cognitive impairment (MCI) and dementia. Though limited, the literature suggests that culture and self-appraisal of cognitive abilities are related. However, it is unclear if differences exist in the subjective elements of neuropsychological assessments between patients born in Anglosphere countries (Canada, the USA, and the UK) versus immigrants born elsewhere (International Group).
Method:
We conducted a retrospective chart review of advanced Parkinson’s disease (PD) patients (n = 764). Reports of SCD and iADL difficulties were extracted from neuropsychological reports and coded by two independent raters. We also examined responses on self- and family-rated questionnaires of executive functioning and iADL difficulties.
Results:
Anglosphere and International patients did not differ on overall, memory, or attention SCD, or overall iADL difficulties based on interviews. Anglosphere patients reported more executive and language SCD during the interview but International care-partners reported more current executive dysfunction on a questionnaire. International patients and care-partners reported more iADL difficulties on a questionnaire, which they ascribed to motor (not cognitive) symptoms. The effects on questionnaires were small and persisted after accounting for depression severity ratings.
Conclusion:
There were no consistent group differences in the number or pervasiveness of SCD or iADL difficulties reported by Anglosphere versus International groups. Immigration status has limited effect on these subjective elements and they should be given significant weight when diagnosing cognitive dysfunction in PD.
If the life sciences are to have much to say about politics, there needs to be a universal element to political orientations. In this essay, I argue that the recent prominence of nativist, law-and-order, populist politicians reveals the nature of this universal element. All social units have to address bedrock dilemmas about how to deal with norm violators and how welcoming to be to outsiders as well as to proponents of new lifestyles. Might differences on these core dilemmas be the universal element of political life? Using the followers of one of the most prominent examples of a nativist political leader—Donald Trump—as an example, I present data showing that Trump’s most earnest followers are different from others—even those who share their general ideological leanings—not on traditional economic or social issues, but rather on the group-based security issues that grow out of the bedrock dilemmas of social life.
This chapter will lay out a potted account of the literature of New York and its relationship to world literature braiding two main themes: first will be that of New York as a center of self-invention, a place that was primarily commercial at its inception but progressively expanded to embrace diverse forms of ethnic, cultural, sexual, and urban interactions. And second will be to focus on the significance of neighborhoods and sweatshops as the spatial vectors through which immigrants and diasporics gain a sense of New York. The bulk of the chapter and will be devoted to a close analysis of the chronotopes of the neighborhood and the sweatshop in Toni Morrison’sJazzand Melissa Rivero’sThe Affairs of the Falcónsrespectively as a means of grasping the relationship between localized foci of individual mobility, identity, and alienation in the literature of New York and the ways in which we might also discern these as key organizing principles of world literature.
In Canada, foreign-born older adults (FBOAs) have a higher prevalence of chronic conditions and poorer self-reported physical and mental health than their Canadian-born peers. However, very little research has explored FBOAs’ experiences of health care after immigration. This review aims to understand the patient experiences of older immigrants within the Canadian health care system. Employing Arksey and O’Malley’s framework for scoping reviews, we searched six databases and identified 12 articles that discussed the patient experience of this population. Although we sought to understand patient experience, the studies largely focused on barriers to care, including: communication difficulties, lack of cultural integration, systematic barriers in health care, financial barriers, and intersecting barriers related to culture and gender.
This review provides insight into new areas of research and advocates for strengthened policy and/or programming. Our review also highlights that there is a paucity of literature for an ever-growing segment of the Canadian population.
The LLAMA tests have been widely used in aptitude research since their development in the early 2000s, but almost exclusively with (highly) educated adults (college students or immigrants with a college degree). Following the idea that research in the humanities suffers from an over-representation of Western undergraduates that may bias some of its results, we discuss the difference in the scores on the LLAMA tests obtained by the participants of a recent study on new immigrants when compared to the scores of a number of former studies on other populations. We also discuss the predictive effect of these aptitude measures on the development of proficiency in the majority language by the same participants and argue for more research with under-served populations.
This article analyzes the so-called “humanitarian corridors” put in place by the Ecuadorian government as part of a domestic policy to move Venezuelan migrants out of Ecuador. Within this context, the author examines the concept of the humanitarian corridor from the perspective of international law, and demonstrates that Ecuador's corridors did not serve the purpose for which they were allegedly created.
After the US entered WWI, federal and state governments took action to suppress or even ban the use of languages other than English through the mails, in schools, and in various public settings. Moves to require English targeted nonanglophones, whether they were born in the US or had immigrated from elsewhere, and official English became a rallying cry for those bent on reducing or eliminating immigration. But such laws have little impact on the acquisition of English, as newcomers to the US continue to acquire English at rates equal to or better than those in previous generations. Without official language legislation at the federal level, the US manages to have more monolingual speakers of the majority language than many nations that do impose language bans on their residents.