This article explores Vietnam’s distinctive approach to data privacy regulation and its implications for the established understandings of privacy law. While global data privacy regulations are premised on individual freedom and integrity of information flows, the recent Vietnamese Decree 13/2023/NĐ-CP on Personal Data Protection (herein PDPD) prioritise state oversight and centralised control over information flows to safeguard collective interests and cyberspace security. The fresh regulatory logic puts data privacy under the regulation of government agencies and moves the privacy law arena even further away from the already distant judicial power. This prompts an exploration of the nuances underlying the ways regulators and the regulated communities understand data privacy regulation. The article draws on social constructionist accounts of regulation and discourse analysis to explore the epistemic interaction between regulators and those subject to regulation during the PDPD’s drafting period. The process is highlighted by the dynamics between actors within a complex semantic network established by the state’s policy initiatives, where tacit assumptions and normative beliefs direct the way actors in various communities favour one type of thinking about data privacy regulation over another. The findings suggest that reforms to privacy laws may not result in “more privacy” to individuals and that divergences in global privacy regulation may not be easily explained by drawing merely from cultural and institutional variances.

How does the public support a coalition in which pro-democracy advocates and policy-based protesters join forces in street protests? When policy-based and pro-democracy groups protest together, they create a collective action frame that includes a policy component and a democracy component. In this article, I develop the frame salience theory, arguing that support for a policy–democracy protest coalition depends on which component of the joint frame is perceived to be more dominant. I argue that in authoritarian regimes, the policy component typically dominates the coalition because it is more accessible and available to the public. This perception shifts public support for the alliance towards the baseline level of support for the policy movement. In other words, public support for the alliance defaults to the baseline level of support for the policy movement. I find evidence for my argument using a survey experiment administered to 1,209 Vietnamese respondents. This article highlights a dilemma pro-democracy groups face: joining policy-based movements may boost support, but sustaining democracy after the protest becomes challenging.

In the past decade, the Vietnamese lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, and other sexual orientations and gender identities (LGBT+) movement has succeeded in repositioning this population from the stigmatising label of “social evils” to a more positive social representation. Despite the limited space for civil society in this authoritarian environment, Vietnamese activists and non-governmental organisations (NGOs) have effectively changed public attitudes, improved visibility, and gained legal recognition for this marginalised community. This study uses qualitative data from interviews with twelve activists and fieldwork observations to explain how activist strategies in this setting align with the “service delivery” function of civil society. By examining how activists have addressed healthcare and education deficits, I demonstrate that activism in authoritarian regimes can be effective when it assists instead of challenges the government. The findings contribute to scholarship on global queer activism by demonstrating how a service delivery approach can achieve social change, highlighting the role of NGOs and international development in this process. Additionally, the findings expose existing challenges that hinder these activists’ efforts, showing how funding dependency and inadequate legal recognition can significantly limit the creativity and autonomy of grassroots activist groups.

One specimen of tropical shad was caught from the Giang Thanh River, Kien Giang province, Vietnam in a survey on 16 October 2022. We identified the specimen as the hilsa shad, Tenualosa ilisha Hamilton, 1822 using morphological analysis, and further validated by its cytochrome oxidase subunit I (COI) sequence. The specimen was 418 mm long, 1428 g in weight, with a head length of 29.0% and pectoral fin length of 31.1% of its standard length. Notably, the presence of 34 scutes, a higher gill raker count and a caudal fin length within the moderate range for Tenualosa species distinguished it from T. macrura, T. toli and T. reevesii. The COI sequence of the sample matched closely to the T. ilisha. The results confirm that T. ilisha still endures Vietnamese water, where it was thought to be extinct. Climate change and Indo-Pacific Ocean currents may introduce expansion of distribution area of the T. ilisha. Further studies on distribution of the T. ilisha and other Tenualosa species and their dynamics are needed.

This article presents a comparison of two Vietnamese Buddhist monks who travelled to and spent time in South Asia in the 1950s. The first, Thích Tố Liên (1903–1977), travelled to Calcutta and then on to Sri Lanka in May 1950 to participate in the First General Conference of the World Fellowship of Buddhists. Though his encounter was relatively brief, it left a lasting impression. Tố Liên returned as an ardent advocate for the World Fellowship and for an internationalist view of Buddhism more generally. The second, Thích Minh Chàu (1918–2012), had a very different encounter with Sri Lanka and India. He spent most of the 1950s studying Pali manuscripts and earning his doctoral degree from the Nalanda Institute (then a part of the University of Bihar, now Nalanda University). During this time, he became an important popularizer of contemporary Indian ideas. While in South Asia, he contributed many articles to Buddhist journals back in Vietnam. He recounted his pilgrimage to major Buddhist sites, considered the contemporary influence of Buddhism in India, and analysed the works of everyone from Tagore to the Dalai Lama. This article will compare the South Asian experiences of these two Vietnamese Buddhist monks and analyse their impact on Buddhist unification and the Vietnamese Buddhist movement in the 1960s.

This article compares and evaluates performance of two main current socialist economic-social models. One is Cuba’s central plan characterized by state large enterprises predominant over the market and private property, with mild market-oriented structural reforms that are ineffective in generating sustainable socioeconomic development. The other model is the successful Sino-Vietnamese “socialist market,” typified by small, medium, and some large private enterprises and the market, all predominant under a decentralized plan (a guideline rather than a central plan). In this the state regulates the economy and controls the largest enterprises. The article identifies the characteristics of the three countries, addresses potential barriers to comparison, and summarizes a history of the reforms and their five key economic policies in the three countries. It also assesses performance based on a selection of the twenty most relevant and comparable indicators, elaborates a composite average to rank the three countries, and discusses potential methodological issues. The conclusions summarize the results of the comparison, recommend reforms for Cuba based on successful Sino-Vietnamese policies, and outline the research agenda for the future. The article is an important contribution to the fields of comparative economics systems, socioeconomic development, methodology, and Latin American studies.

Vietnam’s initial response to Covid-19 was conspicuous for various reasons, including how its attempt at securitisation drew deeply from historical narratives, symbols, and traditions specific to the Vietnamese experience, as well as how the securitisation project was not simply top-down and state-driven but also featured ground-up participation where the public was mobilised to participate in and actively reiterate securitisation practices. This richly textured empirical case study of the workings of Vietnamese society and politics represents an invitation to explore key debates surrounding securitisation theory. Reflecting on the empirical material of the case, this paper builds on scholarship seeking to highlight the shortcomings of the Copenhagen School’s model of securitisation and from there further explore securitisation theory and its limits. It takes aim at how the audience and its agency is conceptualised in the theory and develops the notions of ‘historical resources’ and ‘activation architecture’ to more adequately explain the processes of securitisation.